Arias for Ballino

By Leo Duarte

Opera Settecento, whom you may think of as “The pasticcio people” after our performances at the London Handel and Halle Handel Festivals of Handel’s 34 PROOF 7: 21-10-22 pasticcio operas, Elpidia, Ormisda and Venceslao is poised to go into the recording studio next month with tenor, Jorge Navarro Colorado. We are most grateful to those members of The Handel Friends, The Serse Trust and Jorge’s family whose donations have enabled us to record our first CD which is entitled “Arias for Ballino.”

Owen Swiney relates that Handel talent-spotted Annibale Pio Fabri, known affectionately as Balino or Ballino, the diminutive form of his forename, in Bologna. Swiney writes, “This Man Sings in as good a Taste as any Man in Italy.” Of a performance of Lotario in London, Mrs Pendarves wrote, “a tenor voice, sweet clear and firm..He sings like a gentleman without making faces. The greatest master of musick that ever sung upon the stage.” I hope any of you who have recently attended ETO’s Tamerlano production will agree this review could easily have been written about Jorge’s performance in the role of Bajazet. Before travelling to London, Ballino sang in operas by Vivaldi, Caldara, Alessandro Scarlatti, Orlandini, Gasparini, Leo, Vinci and Porpora. In 1719 he became a member of the Accademia Filharmonica of Bologna as a composer. He was named President of the Society no less than five times. In London Handel wrote roles for him in Lotario, Partenope and Poro and he appeared in revivals of Cesare, Tolomeo and Rodelinda. Handel also transposed arias from Scipione, originally written for castrato, specifically for Ballino to sing the title role. Later in his career he was based in Vienna, had considerable success in three operas by Hasse performed in Madrid and composed his own setting of Metastasio’s great libretto, Alessandro nell’Indie. With such a wealth of wonderful repertoire associated with Ballino, we have not only put together an enticing and varied list of arias but can also claim modern premieres for many of them.

Until now Opera Settecento has focused on resurrecting neglected operas as concert performances, although both our Halle and Vienna performances have been broadcast around the world. It is a big step for us to launch our first CD and we need in the region of a further £10,000 to make its release in 2023 a reality. Cheques can be made payable to The Serse Trust, and sent to 6, Beechwood Avenue Weybridge, Surrey, KT13 9TE. We are a registered charity so can claim Gift Aid on your donation if you are a UK tax payer. As a taster of what is to come, here is a link to Jorge singing with us on Youtube.

https://youtu.be/PUcWXO52sJk

Handel’s Fairest Dalila

By Miranda Houghton

“In practice, however, the rich theatrical contextualisation tends to shift the focus away from her singing. From a performer’s point-of-view, a summary of her repertoire, and perhaps a separate chapter on her vocal characteristics regarding range, tessitura and their eventual changes, would have been useful, with more musical examples.” So wrote Judit Zsovár in Handel News in 2019. Adverse reviews usually put me off a product, but in this case I decided to purchase and read Berta Joncus’ book, Kitty Clive or the Fair Songster (Boydell Press 2019) as I have read other publications by Berta Joncus and found them not only well-researched but inspiring.

One of my own areas of interest is the “stylistic” process Handel went through in the dying years of Italian opera’s pre-eminence on the London stage. By the time of his death he had established as much of a reputation as a composer of oratorio as he had enjoyed as a foremost composer of opera seria. Very much tied up in that period was John Beard, introduced as a tenor in Handel’s later operas but more significantly the tenor primo uomo in virtually all of Handel’s oratorios. Were Handel’s oratorios a natural progression from dramas set for the stage in the Italian style, or did he (as I believe) invent his own version of “devotional” works, choosing to use his unique ability to express intense emotion through word painting to set biblical dramas? I would particularly like to know if the character of ornamentation in Handel’s oratorios became progressively muted as his company of Italian singers became interspersed with talented British singers of the day, less conversant with the florid excesses of Italian high Baroque, but also because decoration for the aggrandisement of individual singers was considered out of keeping with the biblical subject matter.

One clue is in the sort of voices and the technical ability we imagine singers such as John Beard had. Was he the equivalent of a Lieder singer today, acting purely with the voice, or was he as much of a dramatic singing actors as Kitty Clive clearly was? What Joncus’ book proves is that Kitty Clive was capable of singing in the bel canto style along with the best of the Italians, such was her versatility as a performer. We should not forget that John Beard sang in public entertainment alongside Kitty Clive. Yes, the role of Dalila in Samson was written for Kitty Clive with her arch-rival, Susanna Cibber as seconda donna, yet these two sopranos were also the leading ladies in Gay’s The Beggar’s Opera – in which John Beard also sang. Why is it then that history remembers John Beard as the greatest English tenor of the era, able to move seamlessly between masques, ballad operas and six of Handel’s opera 32 serie to Handel’s dramatic oratorios without any loss of reputation whereas Clive is relegated by posterity to a mere purveyor of bawdy low art? Why is Beard described as a singer whereas Clive is a “songster”?

One is forced to conclude this is due to the fact she was an intelligent and powerful woman who refused to be manipulated by men. She was in later years criticised for her looks, yet in portraits of her as a young woman, she is no less agreeable than Cuzzoni, Faustina and indeed Strada Del Po, Handel’s great Italian leading ladies. Clive was a star for a long time, suggesting her charisma and comedic talent transcended the requirement to look young and pretty on stage. As contemporary reviews show us, she also won the right to be judged as a singer, known for her sparkling delivery of music by Handel, Purcell, Arne, Bononcini and her ability to parody the day’s leading Italian opera singers. My point is she would have risen above criticism when being judged purely for her exceptional talent as a singer.

Contrary to Ms Zsár’s contention that Berta Joncus tells us little about the quality of Clive’s vocal prowess, her fach and her musicianship, the detailed research into the wide variety of vehicles which the most famous actormanagers created for her offer a clear indication of Clive’s star quality. After all, to be renowned for her brilliant mimicry of the Italian singers of the day is no mean feat.

Contemporary sources tell us that Clive was able to enliven an otherwise dull performance with singing which was fresh and direct. In one of London’s most popular ballad operas, Damon and Phillida, Clive was given an Italian da capo aria from one of London’ s most celebrated operas, Camilla by Bononcini. To sing this and other arias from the Italian high Baroque, she will have relied on bel canto technique like the finest Italian singers in The Royal Academy. Her musical director, Carey wrote a cantata for her which captures the fashionable Neapolitan writing of the day with its suave melodies and demanding melismas. We suspect it was Carey who trained her in her famous exaggerated parodies of Italian singers with extravagant gestures and elaborate coloratura on prepositions. In interludes in ballad operas and masques, Clive performed Handel operatic arias as well as Cuzzoni or Strada Del Po. Fielding drew on her versatility when he burlesqued Handel’s oratorio Deborah. Drury Lane’s Opera of Operas gave Clive her first chance to extravagantly burlesque Italian opera, flexing her vocal muscle with runs up to high B.

As Professor Wendy Heller wrote in her review of Joncus’ book in Early Music America, “For Clive, as Joncus shows, it all began with an extraordinary singing voice that allowed her to “straddle” high and low rhetorical registers. Clive could compete with (or even mock) the best Italian sopranos; she could use the lower part of her voice to excel in popular songs and raunchy ballad operas on one night and employ her secure vocal technique the next day to become a goddess in a lofty masque…. Kitty Clive, or the Fair Songster opens up entirely new ways of thinking about how a singer might wield her voice. Joncus does not so much invoke the abstract concept of “Voice,” but rather helps the reader imagine the specific grain of a very specific instrument with which Clive was identified throughout her long career. What is particularly fascinating is the extent to which Clive’s musicianship and ability as a singer became the catalyst for all that followed. Joncus persuasively shows how her musical skill helped her excel in the spoken theater, pointing out the extent to which control of tempo, rhythm, and melody are essential for stage speech, a point that musicians and actors rarely acknowledge today.”

Kitty Clive or The Fair Songster by Berta Joncus (Boydell Press 2019) is available from all good bookshops.

The progress from Keyboard virtuoso to Opera composer of Genius 

By Mark Windisch

One must delve into biographies of Handel to trace where his interest in stage works first became evident. Mainwaring writes of a visit to Berlin in 1698 where Handel was supposed to have met Ariosti and Bononcini. (There appear to be some inaccuracies in Mainwaring’s statements as the reports of Handel’s meeting these composers do not tally with his stated age at the time.) However, it may be assumed that the young Handel could have made more than one visit to the Ducal Palace in view of the position (barber/surgeon) both Handel’s
brother and his father had in the Duke’s household.


It is certainly true that a well-known composer, Johann Philipp Krieger was active in the Ducal palace at that time. It is recorded that he produced 18 German operas there. We don’t know how many of these the young Handel heard, but in Handel’s 1698 theme book there are pieces of music by J P Krieger or his younger brother J Krieger, which implies he had access to the scores. Handel used music by J P Krieger in several of his compositions. The Weissenfels palace had a flourishing artistic programme and was supported by Reinhard Keiser (1674-1739). In addition, nearby Leipzig had a flourishing opera company directed by N A Strungk (1640-1700), who was music director there from 1693-96 and was succeeded later in this post by G P Telemann (1681-1767) from 1702 to 1705. Probably these performances in Weissenfels were not the more modern Opera Seria style, but were certainly performed with beautiful scenery and costumes which would probably have appealed to a young man with a strong imagination, if he was permitted to attend.

The Ducal palace at Weissenfels might have been one place where Handel’s interest was aroused. The question I ask myself is whether Duke Johann Adolf I, who clearly spotted Handel’s talent early and persuaded Handel’s father that he should encourage Handel to study music, carried his interest in the boy further. Might he not have allowed young Handel to attend performances in the castle?

Duke Johann Adolf I

Handel’s training with Zachow was mostly with keyboard music and his paid employment was as church organist at the Cathedral in Halle so probably his professional exposure to theatrical music would have been quite limited. However,
the interest must have been there, even if latent, because he had a lifelong interest in composing music in this genre later.


Music at Weissenfels Castle
Neu-Augustusberg castle is a fine building
erected by the father and grandfather of
Duke Johann Adolf I who spotted Handel’s talent early. The Duke Johann Adolph I had a recorded interest in all the arts and was clearly a man of taste and discernment, choosing many musicians to write music for performance in his castle. Johann Philipp Krieger and his younger brother were both accomplished musicians. Johann Philipp was born in 1648 in Nuremberg, had a spell as Chief Kapellmeister in Bayreuth and held several important positions in Halle. Handel borrowed a number of themes from Krieger’s compositions.

Johann Philipp wanted to study the Italian style and to this end he took himself to Venice to study with Johann Rosenmüller, an exiled German. Krieger is known to have composed “singspiele” which were published in Nuremberg in 1690. Chrysander gives the titles of some operas written for BrunswickWolfenbüttel in 1693, some of which were also performed in Hamburg. (These operas are referred to by Rev J R Milne in my copy of Groves Dictionary from 1928, who significantly states “one may unhesitatingly class them with similar works by Handel.”).

J.S. Bach also travelled to Weissenfels in 1714, where his first secular cantata was performed. Entitled Was mir behagt, ist nur die muntre Jagd (‘The lively hunt is all my heart’s desire’, BWV 208), it was written to celebrate the birthday of Duke Christian of Saxe-Weissenfels. A few years later, Bach gave a number of recitals at the royal court in Weissenfels, which enjoyed an excellent reputation far and wide for the high quality of its
musical performances. In 1729, Bach was appointed Royal Kapellmeister of Saxe-Weissenfels by the Duke – a position he was entitled to exercise without having to relocate. These facts give some insights into music life in Weissenfels. As a footnote Heinrich Schütz (1585-1672), probably the most famous German musician of the seventeenth century was born and died in this town which had quite a history of musical figures.

Leipzig
The Oper am Brühl was the first opera house in Leipzig and existed from 1693 to 1720. It was initiated by Nicolaus Adam Strungk who saw an opportunity to bring in an audience during the trade fairs (for which Leipzig is still famous). An application was made to the Saxon Elector, Johann Georg IV and was granted for a period of ten years. An architect with Italian experience, Girolamo Sartorio who had built the Hamburg opera house was chosen and put up the building in only four months. The building was a three storey wooden house with a gable roof, 47 metres long, 15 meters wide and 10 metres high. It had a semi-circular auditorium with fifty boxes.

The first opera performed there was Alceste by Strungk on 8 May 1693. The architect, Sartorio built elaborate scenery with a forest, a royal palace, and a
fire-breathing dragon. In 1696 Christian Ludwig Boxberg joined as composer and librettist and his scores are preserved as the oldest surviving Germanlanguage opera from Central Germany. The Opera House flourished when Telemann took over direction in 1703. Even when Telemann left Leipzig for Sorau (now Zary in modern day Poland, then under Saxon rule,) he continued to compose for the Leipzig Opera.


Handel is not mentioned in the history of this opera house although, as a close friend of Telemann, it is likely that he would have attended at least one major work by Telemann. With his legendary energy, Telemann founded the opera orchestra (mostly with amateur musicians), played the keyboard, and even performed as a singer in some productions. In 1704, his opera Germanicus with text by Christine Dorothea Lachs (Strungk’s daughter) was first performed there. Handel moved to Hamburg in 1703 but I cannot imagine that he would not have made the effort to see Germanicus performed in Leipzig.


In total there were 104 productions in the 27 years of the opera house’s existence. Unfortunately, the Leipzig opera house was deemed to be in a dangerous state in 1719 and was demolished in 1729. The company then moved to Opernhaus vorm Salztor in nearby Naumburg.

Hamburg
The Opera in the Gänsemarkt in Hamburg was an altogether more professional arrangement. It was started in 1678 and ran through up to 1738. It was the first theatre in a German-speaking country to have a continuous cast. It was run as a public body without (unusually for the time) any financial support from the nobility or religious establishments. It was founded by a cultured alderman, Gerhard Schott who had travelled widely and encountered opera in Italy. He was supported by Johann Adam Reincken, organist and Kapellmeister of Christian Albert, Duke of Holstein-Gottorp.

Despite some opposition from certain elements of the religious community Girolamo Sartorio (brother of the composer) was engaged to design the theatre and its opening took place on 2 January 1678 with a sacred opera Adam and Eva by Johann Theile. Soon other opera composers submitted works for performance, amongst them Antonio Sartorio, a leading Venetian Opera composer and Kapellmeister to the Catholic Duke Johann Friedrich, Nicolo Minato, Johann Wolfgang Franck, Agostino Steffani, and many others.

The Gänsemarkt opera house became embroiled in several arguments between the pietists who hated the idea of the provision of public entertainment and the standard version of Protestantism which tolerated and even encouraged it. Reinhard Keiser directed
the Opera House between 1703 and 1707, when he employed Handel as violinist
and cembalist. It was during the performance of Mattheson’s opera, Cleopatra where the famous duel between Handel and Mattheson took place. There seemed to be some intense rivalry between the two of them concerning who might take over from Keiser and it might well have spilt over to trigger this duel. Fortunately, there were no serious injuries and their differences were settled amicably. During his time in Hamburg Handel worked on Almira, Nero and Daphne by way of learning how to compose operas. In 1722 Telemann took over management of the opera house, but by this time Handel had been in England for ten years. Handel and Telemann remained lifelong friends and often Telemann would adapt an opera Handel composed for his London theatres. Telemann did not have Handel’s access to expensive prima donnas so he had to rewrite arias, often in German, making a dual language hybrid.

After a short time while working in Hamburg, Handel met Gian Gastone de Medici who invited him to Italy to hear the Italian singers, who Gian Gastone praised very hugely. Handel might well have started his stay in Italy in Florence with Gian Gastone, but it was not long before he visited the music making centres of Venice, Rome, and Naples. The only date we know for certain was 14 January 1707 where Handel’s appearance is noted in the diary
of Francesco Valesio, recording that he had played the organ excellently in St John Lateran in Rome.

Opera was banned in Rome after the papal edict of 1698 but Handel exercised his considerable talents for vocal writing with some splendid cantatas and some major works like Il trionfo del Tempo and the brilliant Dixit Dominus. These all helped him to write music which suited the rhythm and metre of opera sung in Italian. He became kappelmeister of the Hanoverian court in 1710.

On securing an initial twelve month leave of absence from the Hanoverian court, he managed to make his way to London to start his 48-year career as a composer of operas, oratorios and more. In 1711 his opening opera in London, Rinaldo was a great success and launched his operatic career. Following Rinaldo Handel’s career took off in a series of amazing operas and oratorios, the like of which has not been equalled to this day.

An interview with Alexander Chance

By Francisco Salazar

Alexander Chance is a fast-rising singer who became the first countertenor to win the International Handel Singing Competition.

He has performed at Wigmore Hall, Musikfest Bremen, Nargenfestival in Tallinn, and The Grange Festival, among others. This season as he continues his rise with performances in Ravenna, Japan, Munich, Tel Aviv, and Prague, among many others.


OperaWire had a chance to speak about his Handel Competition win and what he is looking forward to as his career grows.


OperaWire: Tell me about winning the Handel competition? What does this competition mean to you?
Alexander Chance: It’s a competition that gets a lot of attention in the early music world, and I’d always viewed it (as with all competitions) as something I’d have absolutely no chance in, but I finally convinced myself this year to go for it. I wanted to get to the final so that I could invite friends who hadn’t heard me sing before, or hadn’t heard any Händel, or both, and share with them a side of me they hadn’t maybe seen before. This was a great competition for me in that sense because the final happens in the heart of London on a
Friday evening, in a church with an acoustic perfect for Händel’s music, with an orchestra and a conductor, in Laurence Cummings, who are real Händel specialists. Winning was a bonus.

OW: You are the first countertenor to win the International Handel Singing Competition, also winning the Audience Prize. What does that mean to you? What does it mean to make history?

AC: There have been plenty of wonderful countertenors in the final over the years, and really just to be named among them is an honor. I think this was the first year when countertenors have come 1st and 2nd (Meili Li, whom I know quite well, and who is a fantastic person and singer), so I’m pleased that we could jointly fly the flag.

OW: How do you go about choosing your repertoire for a competition like this one?

AC: Within the normal guidelines of showing enough range and variety, and a mixture of opera and oratorio, I chose pieces I knew very well for the earlier rounds: I find walking into a room with a panel of judges and only a pianist or harpsichordist to accompany you (with whom you’ve had ten minutes to rehearse) the most nerve-wracking thing you have to do as a singer. You have very little time to create an atmosphere and leave a convincing
impression, and so I felt I needed to perform pieces I knew like the back of my hand, and could rely on if I got nervous. The final was different – I just chose the pieces I liked the most and thought the audience would like
.

As it happens, I hadn’t performed any of them before, which seems a little foolhardy in retrospect, but I knew that I’d have plenty of preparation time, and rehearsal time with the orchestra. Getting to sing “Cara Sposa,” one of Händel’s most beautiful arias, without having to worry about performing the rest of the opera (“Rinaldo”), was a treat!

OW: What are the keys to doing a competition for you?


AC: This was the first competition I’d entered, and in fact it may well be the last! I’ve always been terrified of them, far more so than any concert or opera I’ve ever done. I was focused on showing variety in each round, and planning what I wanted to sing in each round months beforehand, so that I’d have time to learn them from memory well before I needed to perform them. Especially with regard to the final, I wanted to treat it like a concert rather than a competition, and take advantage of the fact that there was a wonderful orchestra and conductor helping me out, and friends and family in the audience who were there to hear me enjoy myself.

OW: This summer you’ll be at the Ravenna Festival. Tell me about the
repertoire you’ll perform there? What do you like about performing
Britten’s music?


AC: I’m singing Britten’s “Canticles” with Ian Bostridge and Julius Drake. This is exciting not only because they are both masters of this music, but also because Julius was our next-door neighbour when I was young, and we’d often hear singers like Ian come over to rehearse with Julius next door. I’ve known him and his family since I was about 5 years old, so performing with him now will be surreal.


Britten’s music is always enchanting to listen to or perform; he has an uncanny ability to conjure up mysticism. Both of the canticles featuring countertenor (“Abraham and Isaac” and “Journey of the Magi”) are based on religious stories, but both come in secular forms: the text of the latter is a TS Eliot poem, and the former is based on a Chester Miracle Play. They represent an interesting junction between his church music and his operas. I know a
little about both, having sung his religious music at school and university, and having sung the role of Oberon in “A Midsummer Night’s Dream” at the Grange Festival last summer. I always love how prescriptive he is, and how precise with his markings on the page, meaning he always knew exactly what he wanted from each note. This makes memorizing the Journey of the Magi, in particular, a real challenge!

OW: What does it feel like to perform at this important festival?


AC: I’ve performed at the Ravenna Festival once before, with the Tallis Scholars a few years ago. I love the city, and the people who run the festival, or at least those I’ve met, are a delight. I’m particularly looking forward to a nice meal outside on a nice street after the concert with my girlfriend, who is coming for the week!

OW: The countertenor is sometimes limited to performing only baroque. However, today there are many composers composing for the voice type. What excites you about that and what is some repertoire that you are excited to develop?

AC: Baroque music is a real treat to perform. I love the idea that composers writing today, as ever, will write for particular voices, which means getting to sing music perfectly suited to one’s own voice. I’d like the chance to perform some of the newer opera roles for countertenor, such as Jonathan Dove’s “Flight,” or Thomas Adès’s “The Exterminating Angel.” Equally, if a composer like Jonny Greenwood, who blurs the boundaries between conventional classical music and ‘popular’ music, ever felt moved to write for countertenor (and let’s face it, all of Radiohead’s music is written for countertenor), that would be an exciting prospect.

OW: As a young artist, what are you excited about for the upcoming years? Where do you hope to see your career?


AC: In terms of the future of classical music, I’d love to see more young people come to concerts and operas, a wider array of venues, more variation in how long (or short) concerts are. Personally, I want to make as much of the next ten or so years as possible, which (one’s 30s) are probably the best time vocally for a countertenor, perform as much varied repertoire and go to as many places as I can; and then perhaps do something entirely different afterward. Touring is great fun when you are young, but it takes a lot out of you, and I always miss my girlfriend and my friends when I’m away. And, to be perfectly honest, it is often difficult to make enough money from this job to live comfortably. That might sound like a bum note on which to end, but it’s true!

This interview is published in print by kind permission of the Salazar brothers, founders of the website OperaWire which is an online haven for all passionate about opera around the world.

‘(Al)l the world at the foundling hospital’

G. R. Sargent, Interior view of the Foundling Hospital chapel from the sanctuary, ca 1830.
© Gerald Coke Handel Foundation.

It is midday on 6 April 1773 and the Foundling Hospital chapel is jam-packed. 35 instrumentalists (plus music stands and instruments), 18 chorus singers, 12 boy choristers, 4 soloists and 1 organist have squeezed into the western gallery, and over eight hundred members of London’s elite are seated in the pews. The musicians have tuned, and the audience is sitting in hushed anticipation, waiting for the concert to begin.

Transcription of a newspaper advertisement for the 1773 performance of Messiah at the
Foundling Hospital. From the Morning Chronicle on 5 April 1773.


But before the music starts, let us consider the logistics of organising such an event. Although ostensibly a charitable and a musical endeavour, the list of expenses relating to this event from the Foundling Hospital minutes demonstrates that several local businesses directly benefited from this performance of Handel’s Messiah. Among the expenses listed are transport for one of the soloists (a ‘Coach for Mr. Rheinhold’) at 7s, and a payment of
£3.3s to ‘Mr Clay High Constable’, who was presumably in charge of security. £4.16s (around £400 in today’s money) was spent on advertisements, such as the one below which appeared in the Morning Chronicle the day before the concert. Like modern concert flyers, these advertisements outlined the location and timing of the event, the programme and the soloists, and gave instructions on where the tickets could be purchased and for how much.

Sourcing these tickets was yet another expense. A Mr Jones was paid £3.6s for sourcing the paper and printing the tickets. Although much larger, more decorative, and without the barcodes and download access experienced today, they nevertheless included information typically expected on a ticket, including the Hospital’s crest, essentially the logo of the institution, and the same details offered in the advertisement. To ensure that this batch of tickets could be used several years running, only the generic information was printed,
with details specific to that year’s performance written in by hand.

Ticket for the 1773 performance of Messiah at the Foundling Hospital.
© Gerald Coke Handel Foundation.

The payment list also provides information about the performers at this concert. Whereas newspaper advertisements only give the names of the star soloists, the Miss Linleys and Mr Stanley, the payment list names all members of the and, from the front desk violinists to the bassoonists and the kettle drummer. Chorus members were also listed, with the exception of a possible volunteer chorus of around 26, used to bolster the paid singers. These volunteers literally ‘sang for their supper’, receiving beef and wine at a total cost of £2.6s in exchange for their services. The named chorus members, orchestra, and
soloists, however, did receive a fee. Most earned 15s (about £65 today), although some section leaders, such as the oboist John Parke, received a guinea (c. £90 today) while the poor viola players took home a mere 10s.6d (c.£45). Although the Hospital paid for his coach, Frederick Reinhold waived his fee, while fellow soloist Robert Hudson received 3 guineas. By far the most extravagant fee, was the £100 (c.£9,000) awarded to the concert manager, Thomas Linley, for himself, his violinist son Thomas junior and his two
daughters Elizabeth and Mary, who were the soprano soloists.

While the 1773 payment list sheds some light on the costs of organising a concert and on the statuses of various musicians in eighteenth-century London, it does not explain how the performers came to be there, bows in the air, breaths held, waiting to begin. In a time before social media, when googling ‘string players in London’ was simply not an option, concert organisers relied on word-of-mouth recommendations to find and hire musicians. It was therefore vital that musicians carefully maintained their business networks to ensure
continuous employment in a relatively insecure profession. An introduction to some of the musicians taking part in this performance of Messiah will take you on a whistle-stop tour through some of the close-knit, interconnected networks that helped to sustain London’s music industry.

‘The Nest of Nightingales’
Known as ‘The Nest of Nightingales’, the Linleys were a musically precocious family, with eight children employed in the music profession and three appearing at the Foundling Hospital in 1773. Their father Thomas was a singer, composer and concert master, and his wife Mary’s musical talents were said to match those of her husband. Following success in their native Bath, Thomas Linley senior and four of his children, Thomas, Elizabeth, Mary and Maria, made regular appearances in the London oratorio seasons from the late 1760s, including at Drury Lane Theatre, managed by John Christopher Smith and John Stanley, who were also involved in the annual Foundling Hospital concerts. Keeping it in the family had its advantages; older family members helped younger members to make professional contacts in addition to teaching them practical musicianship, such as how to compose or play musical instruments.

Elizabeth Linley depicted as St Cecilia by Thomas Watson, c. 1779. © Gerald Coke Handel Foundation.

Continual immersion in this world from an early age certainly seems to have affected the young Thomas junior. When asked by a gentleman, already impressed by the skills of his sisters, whether he too was musical, little Thomas replied: ‘Oh yes, Sir, we are all geniuses!’. Alas, Thomas’s assertion turned out to be unwitting foreshadowing of the tragic events to come. On learning of Thomas’s death in a boating accident aged 22, his friend W. A. Mozart called him a ‘true genius’, whose contribution to English music would be irreplaceable.

Transcription of a newspaper advertisement for Thomas Linley’s 1773 benefit concert.
From the Public Advertiser on 12 April 1773.

(Ed: Our noble chairman spotted the 18th century typographical error in the
penultimate sentence.)


At the time of the Foundling Hospital concert in 1773, though, Thomas’s career was going well. 6 days after his performance at the Foundling Hospital he would perform at his own benefit concert, alongside ‘capital musicians’ including the oboist Johann Christian Fischer. His sisters Elizabeth and Mary also sang, although this appearance was to be Elizabeth’s last. The following day she married the playwright Richard Sheridan, who forbade her from
performing in public. Similar to the previous newspaper snippet, the Thomas Linley’s advertisement advises that tickets for his benefit were on sale at various coffee houses. Alternatively, they could be acquired from Mr Linley directly at his lodgings in Marylebone High Street, where he lived with another musical family, the Storaces.

Thomas Linley junior by Thomas Gainsborough, c. 1771.

The Storaces were evidently family friends of the Linleys. Double bassist Stefano Storace was active in London from the late 1750s and played at the Foundling Hospital on several
occasions, including in 1773. He had also acted as Elizabeth Linley’s agent during their appearances at the Three Choirs Festival. Elizabeth visited the Storaces with her new husband on their return from honeymoon.

A Musical Affair
Stefano Storace was also acquainted with another musical couple, the Pintos. They had perhaps got to know one another after Thomas Pinto and Stefano were both members of the committee for the Royal Society of Musicians in 1766 and 1767. Stefano was also one of the witnesses at Thomas’s wedding in 1766. Violinist Thomas Pinto led the band and played solos at some of London’s most popular theatres. Like many musicians, he was also a teacher and one of his pupils, John Coles, was in the violin section at the 1773 Messiah concert at the Foundling Hospital. Yet despite his moderate success, Pinto was apparently
‘very idle, inclining more to the fine gentleman than the musical student, kept a horse, was always with a switch in his hand instead of a fiddle-stick.’


Until shortly before her marriage to Thomas Pinto, soprano Charlotte Brent had been romantically involved with her teacher, the illustrious composer and serial philanderer Thomas Arne. They had probably been an item since around 1755 when Charlotte, Thomas Arne, his wife Cecilia, Cecilia’s sister Esther and nieces Elizabeth and Polly travelled to Dublin. After Cecilia, formerly a celebrated soprano, became ill and stopped performing, Thomas began composing for Charlotte instead. Thomas left Dublin in 1756 accompanied by Charlotte, leaving Cecilia behind.


Thomas Arne plays ‘Rule Britannia’ on the chamber organ,
after Francesco Bartolozzi, c. 1785. © Gerald Coke Handel Foundation.

Fire insurance documents record a lengthy affair. Nine years after the fated trip to Ireland, Cecilia was living with a carpenter named Mr Goldstone. Charlotte, meanwhile, was residing with Thomas Arne, where she also insured her £400 worth of possessions. By 1772, Cecilia had moved in with Polly, who by then had married the violinist François-Hippolyte Barthélémon.

François-Hippolyte Barthélémon is depicted in Thomas Rowlandson’s 1784 image of a musical performance at Vauxhall Pleasure Gardens. He is seated directly behind the soprano Frederika Weichsel (1745-1786). Also depicted are the green-jacketed oboist Johann Christian Fischer, and the rotund kettle drummer Jacob Neilson.


Music pavilion at Vauxhall Gardens, after Thomas Rowlandson, 1785. © Gerald Coke Handel Foundation.

At the time this image was created, Frederika lived with her husband, oboist Carl Weichsel, at No. 3 Church Street, just south of Soho Square, and Thomas Rowlandson rented an apartment next door at No. 4. Frederika’s connection to Rowlandson and her prominent position in the image have led David Coke and Alan Borg to suggest that this work may have been commissioned by Frederika herself. Alternatively, they propose that Rowlandson may have presented the picture to Frederika as a retirement gift. Either way, due to various anachronisms in the organisation and ages of those featured, we know that this collection of musicians and audience members are a hypothetical ensemble rather than an accurate depiction of a performance.

However, the musicians depicted must have known each other. Barthélémon frequently performed alongside Fischer and he also played a violin concerto at Stephen Storace’s 1770 benefit concert. In the spring of 1773, Fischer played at Thomas Linley’s benefit concert, and Fischer and Frederika Weichsel performed together at least twice in that season alone. Carl Weichsel and Fischer would presumably have been aware of one another as they were both oboists, and Neilson had long been associated with Vauxhall Gardens, where Frederika Weichsel had been a star performer for over 20 years. All four musicians had performed at the Foundling Hospital. Neilson played the kettledrums there every year between 1767 and 1777 including in 1769 alongside Carl Weichsel, in 1770 with Fischer and Carl Weichsel, and in 1771 and 1772 with Frederika Weichsel. Neilson also took part in the Hospital’s 1773 performance, which is where we find him now.


Among the musicians surrounding Neilson, Storace, Cole, and the Linleys must have been several familiar faces. Some were related, others knew each other through teaching or had played together in the past, including at the Foundling Hospital. Even those they did not recognize might one day become a business partner, an accompanist or a next-door neighbour. Concert appearances like this not only provided much needed income but also
exposed performers to the musical networks that would help them to secure their next gig. But it is not time to pack away yet; they have a job to do at the Foundling Hospital. Let the music commence!