A Glimpse Behind the Scenes: Recording Handel

Bridget Cunningham

We are fortunate to have a huge amount of incredible recordings available at our fingertips, enabling us to enjoy Handel’s music wherever we are. With an ever-changing rise in social media, films and modern entertainments, the importance of delving deeper into Handel’s life, giving audiences a much fuller picture and presenting to the listener as much historical background as possible of Handel and his contemporaries, becomes even more significant. CD recordings and booklet notes demonstrate a commitment to capturing the beauty of this exceptional music and to extend its journey beyond the concert hall.

At London Early Opera, I am working on our 8th disc in an exciting new and ongoing Handel CD series with Signum Records which includes much unrecorded and newly edited music, with extensive CD booklets to give the listener a fuller historical picture. The actual process of making a CD recording takes months and even years: the major part of the work will have already been done before stepping into the recording venue. It takes me time to plan a disc and create a concept, choose repertoire, and find funding – which today is often the sole responsibility of the artist or organisation. Sourcing the original music manuscripts from libraries and collections, organising inter-library loans, researching and editing music, creating orchestral and vocal parts, folders and scores, compiling translations and the synopsis, engaging with other musicologists and historians, are all parts of this journey. The great joy is seeing it all come together.

Finding musicians and singers is largely through recommendations, listening and auditioning if necessary: it is vital that the team works together as a unit. We have a pool of very talented baroque musicians and singers – some of whom I have coached since I was at the Royal College of Music – and it is a joy working with them now professionally and see them making their mark on the musical platform. Coaching singers, writing ornaments and cadenzas, working on instrumental parts, rehearsals and performances are more golden threads in this huge and beautiful musical tapestry.

We have many glorious churches and recording venues to choose from and hear the freshness of natural acoustics, with the very different sounds reverberating off wood and marble and adding to the blend of the voices and the orchestra. Our talented producer keeps the show on the road; our sound engineers from Floating Earth (with Signum Records) set up their state-of-the-art microphones and technical equipment, and check sound levels to complement our musicians and repertoire, capturing our distinctively energetic and focused sound-world with a finesse that presents the audience with a great listening perspective.
When hiring different keyboard instruments, it is important for me to understand the way the keys feel and respond to personal touch and how to perform trills, play octaves, chords, scalic passages on these specific instruments, as well as other practicalities such as knowing how to deal with sticking keys in damp churches and making temperaments and pitch settle. As Handel’s music should be directed from the harpsichord, body and eye gestures are vital – the hands must be kept down on the keyboard. Continuo playing and score reading using different clefs takes a few years to learn thoroughly in order to create a fluent and distinct playing style and develop signature moves whilst leading, shaping and giving colour to the orchestra. Continuo playing can be played differently every time: the extent of improvisation, chord positioning and ornaments needs to be considered if a repeat is required for the recording process. A blend of artistic freedom, creativity and absolute focus is vital.

Various issues rear their heads: strings breaking, singers being ill, building work outside, kerfuffle at school break times, flight paths, ice thawing and cracking in the winter, squirrels on the roof in the autumn, lawn mowing in the spring and summers, church crèche and groups arriving in the holidays. But the show must go on!

The musical performance during the recording is critical and helps post-production when the producer makes the edits to be checked through together afterwards. Once these edits have been approved, the album needs to be mastered – similar to an art conservator adding the final coat of varnish to the painting. We also write extensive CD booklets and provide artwork for the pleasure of our listeners to enhance the story and give a historical outline of relevant events, such as the introductory essay written by David E. Coke (co-author of Vauxhall Gardens: A History, published by Yale University Press) for our CD Handel at Vauxhall.

After performing Handel’s music for many years, I have begun to develop a more innate and real feeling for his music and an understanding of his phrases, style and harmonic patterns. As a Handel specialist, it is wonderful to recognise tunes he has reused from other works, quite often from his Italian years, giving the music a sense of belonging and growth. We experience what feels right and sits under the fingers well for the harpsichord or is comfortable vocally. By recording Handel’s works for the voice, we can see the mastery of his writing for each individual singer, such as the pathos of Cuzzoni and the coloratura of Faustina as featured on our latest album Handel’s Queens, but also how these techniques developed as he nurtured and taught his singers, enhancing their performances. How accurately, in terms of direct imitation, this blend of uniqueness and universality of his singers can be recaptured in a modern performance is unknowable, but it is important to record this special repertoire of Handel and his contemporaries to keep for future generations.

Creating London Early Opera recordings such as Handel in Italy, Handel in Ireland, Handel at Vauxhall and Handel’s Queens has been a joyful experience: especially working on pieces which have not been recorded before and revelling in the process of finding arias, editing them from scratch and following their development through to hearing them played on Apple Music. London Early Opera’s ongoing Handel Travel CD series captures musical snapshots of moments in Handel’s illustrious career. Other future projects include Handel’s pasticcio opera Caio Fabricio HWV A9.

Releasing a baroque album is a task that requires determination for all involved. London Early Opera adheres to exceptionally high standards, taking on challenging CD projects which are also a huge amount of fun. We invite Handel devotees to get in touch with us: come along, be a part of the action and experience a recording for yourself!

Bridget Cunningham is Artistic Director of London Early Opera.

Spreading the Love

Tatty Theo

As Handel News readers may remember, in the January 2015 issue (No.62) I wrote about The Brook Street Band’s commitment to its education programme, bringing live music and that of Handel (in particular) into schools and educational settings. The National Plan for Music Education states that ‘great music education is a partnership between classroom teachers, specialist teachers, professional performers and a host of other organisations’. Over the past few years, The Brook Street Band has considerably expanded its education programme, working with increasing numbers of children at primary and secondary level, in schools and for music hubs.

The Band feels hugely privileged to be able to share its passion for baroque music with young people. Aside from its concert performances and CD recordings, its education programme has formed a large and growing part of the Band’s work, all the more compelling and more urgently needed since arts provision often falls by the wayside in many schools’ curricula. Increasingly, studies correctly identity the need for music-making in our lives, giving young people a set of skills for life, based not just on musical ability, but also friendship, communication, commitment, working as a team and problem-solving, amongst other things. Handel’s music and life story provides the perfect vehicle to inspire a younger generation, bridging the gap between the 18th and 21st centuries. The many parallels between Handel’s time and modern life are brought vividly to life by the Band’s passion for sharing stories and insights about Handel and his music. Handel is such a colourful character: the huge variety in the types of music he composed – music for domestic settings, opera houses, Royalty, church and state occasions – ensure that it has universal appeal.

The Brook Street Band’s work in 2019 builds on its delivery of education projects over the past seven years, but especially its 2017 education programme, which saw a huge leap in the numbers of students the Band was able to reach, particularly through its inaugural ‘love: Handel’ festival and associated education projects in Norwich. The Band continues this important and highly rewarding work this autumn, again linked to its festival (to be held in Norwich on 4-6 October 2019), bringing live performances of 18th-century music on period instruments into Norfolk and Norwich schools, and reaching up to 2,700 students with whole-school assemblies, workshops, and specialised work with string and woodwind players in the county. The Band has secured funding from various sources (including Arts Council England, The Atkin Foundation, The Charles Peel Charitable Trust, The Chivers Trust, Garfield Weston Foundation, The John Jarrold Trust and The RK Charitable Trust Ltd) to work in nine primary and secondary schools in the autumn term, providing some of these with several visits, working at greater depth to produce concerts for students’ peers and their parents and carers.

This is linked to work the Band has been delivering for Cambridgeshire Music as part of the #Roots project: a multi-partnered project, taking place over several years in conjunction with Cambridge Early Music, Cambridge University, Anglia Ruskin University, Cambridgeshire Music and VOCES8. The Band is delivering the instrumental strand of the project, working with young people across Cambridgeshire to form a county-wide baroque orchestra, complete with access to baroque bows, and specialist tuition from members of The Brook Street Band. The founding members of the #Roots baroque orchestra will join the Band on-stage for one of the concerts in the ‘love: Handel’ festival, firmly placing the Band’s work with young people, and its commitment to providing them with access to high-quality baroque music, centre-stage.

As part of the festival, the Band is also working in partnership with Haringey Young Musicians in London, running a three-day ‘Handel in Haringey’ event on 21-23 October 2019. Here, talented young string and woodwind players across the borough will take part in masterclasses, chamber music and orchestra sessions, baroque dance sessions and generally time-travelling back to 1730s London. There will be plenty of opportunities for the young musicians to perform, as well as a professional concert given by The Brook Street Band itself.

So we look forward to working with a new generation of young people this autumn in Norfolk, Cambridgeshire and London, inspiring them with our passion for Handel, and starting them on their own journeys to loving this music. For more information on the Band’s education work and its concert programme, please visit www.brookstreetband.co.uk

Playing in Tongues

Joseph Crouch

At pre-concert talks and post-concert Q&A sessions, period instrumentalists are often asked to explain the differences between a baroque and modern instrument. Answers normally focus on our relatively soft dynamic range, our darker resonance, the various challenges faced in playing instruments that lack later technological ‘advances’. While these observed variations are certainly true, they do not sound to me like compelling reasons to use our ‘period’ instruments, so I prefer to celebrate our clear advantages. First among these, for a string player, is that the combination of gut strings and a convex-curved bow gives us access to consonant sounds that steel strings and a modern bow find almost impossible to replicate. The modern bow is custom-designed to produce long, arcing, unbroken lines; it is the perfect tool for ‘painting’ sound, but it cannot match the eloquence of its baroque ancestor. So when – at a recent pre-performance discussion of Handel’s setting of the Brockes Passion – I was asked what impression the text made on me as an instrumentalist, it presented a rare opportunity. This is a slightly fuller version of my answer that day.

The question was posed in the context of a discussion about the text’s emotional content: highly wrought, often startlingly gory and deliberately disturbing. What is different about playing Brockes’s text in Handel’s setting compared to, say, an operatic story of royal intrigues, of heroism, love, lust and treachery? In terms of the emotional content of the texts the answer is, surprisingly, not much. In the end, although we might argue about the relative weight and significance of the stories, the emotions we are representing and evoking are rather similar; whether the librettist is Barthold Brockes or Nicola Haym, whether the story is religious or secular, the full range of human emotion is presented.

Furthermore, while instrumentalists as well as singers try to respond to Handel’s use of melodic, rhythmic and harmonic rhetorical devices, these devices are, in truth, often strikingly similar even when being used to depict very different characters and stories. Handel’s well-known penchant for recycling material – evident here in Sind meiner Seelen tiefe Wunden, re-used a few years later in Giulio Cesare as Cara Speme – means that the rhetorical tools used in the Tochter Zion aria immediately before the death of Christ are the same as those Handel employs to depict Sesto’s hope and anticipation of revenge. It is not easy for the cellist’s bow to delineate the differences between the hope for revenge and the hope for salvation! But that is not to say that we play the continuo lines for the two arias the same way; if the finer meanings of the text are difficult to explicate with the bow, then the linguistic sounds themselves are not. For an instrumentalist the difference between Cara Speme and Sind meine Seelen is not so much one of semantics but rather one of phonetics; the reason that the Passion is so different from Giulio Cesare is not only because of Barthold Brockes’s gospel paraphrases and highly poetic arias but simply because Brockes writes in German.

Singers work for years on clarity of diction, whether or not they are singing in their native tongue. In order to accompany them well, we instrumentalists should be prepared to do the same; playing parlante does not mean simply playing non-legato, but rather it involves creating musical phrases made up of words, syllables, vowels and consonants. The baroque string player’s right hand corresponds to the lips, teeth and tongue of the singer. The right arm, in turn, is analogous to the lungs and diaphragm. It follows that a string player’s inhalations are created by lifting the bow, which not only gives us a useful and visible way of physicalising the breath, but also reminds us that – just as the position and manner of intakes of breath are part of the singer’s rhetorical armoury – the lift of the bow should be just as carefully considered as its contact. Stopped consonants (d, b, t, k, etc.), glottals, and vocalised consonants (m, n, j, etc.) can all be concocted by the string player’s right hand; we can vary bow speed, bow angle, point of contact (distance from bridge), position and degree of exertion of fingers on the bow stick/hair, and the pronation of the wrist. A plosive ‘t’, for instance, is made with an angled wrist that allows the first finger to exert more force on the bow. The strength of the consonant depends partly on degree of pronation and exertion of the first finger and partly on the amount of time for which the air flow is restricted (i.e. the bow is still). The speed of bow at the point of release governs the strength of the plosive release; then, as the bow slows down and the right hand disengages, the syllable moves seamlessly from consonant to vowel. Because of the prevalence of plosive consonants in German (especially compared to Italian) it is easy to see the value for instrumentalists in learning to copy different vocal and linguistic articulations; by controlling the way the fingers of the right hand contact the bow stick and hair, and by treating speed of bow like the flow of air, we can make articulations of infinite variety that correspond not only to language generally but to specific languages.

Fricative consonants (the unvocalised sounds created by forcing air through a constricted channel) are an especially expressive feature of German: witness Judas’s onomatopoeically self-lacerating consonants in zerreißt mein Fleisch, zerquetscht die Knochen. These fricative sounds (z, sch, tsch, ch, zw, schw, etc.) are very hard to emulate with the bow, simply because – unlike the human voice – a string instrument cannot easily make long un-pitched, ‘a-musical’ sounds; our attempts in this area tend to mask or even obliterate the singers’ text rather than enhancing it. Here, it is much better that we match the length, colour and stress of the vowel sounds, leaving space for the singers to be clear and expressive with their consonants. The great challenge is to play in such a way as to leave space for the fricatives without allowing our own line to break, so that the instrumentalist’s syllables (i.e. bow strokes) can join together into words even though there might be silent space between them. For a singer, this is a question of making sure that the vowel is joined to the consonant sounds either side of it. For the bow, it is a question again of managing the bow speed (i.e. breath) and of keeping the bow on the string so as to articulate the sounds without breaking the line. In the Tochter Zion aria Sprichst du denn auf dies Verklagen, for example, the first word contains a short, bright vowel surrounded by two pairs of fricatives and plosives; the second word begins with a stop consonant connected to a long, dark and unstressed vowel; the third is dominated by a nasal consonant. Working out how to create these sounds with our bow is the constant game of playing in German. Of course it is also true of other languages, but the less percussive, more obviously linear musicality of the Italian language, and the predominance of the vowels as the carriers of expression, make the challenges and the techniques used rather different.

For singers the job of communicating text is overt, so the challenges faced in changing language are at least clear, if not easy. Baroque instrumentalists are, of course, well used to playing music in different languages too, but the lexicon we have traditionally used to describe our articulations (‘short’, ‘long’, ‘legato’, ‘staccato’, ‘accented’, ‘smooth’) are entirely insufficient to allow us to approach different languages in different ways. Once we accept the notion of replicating specific linguistic sounds, we can bring not only our accompaniments but also our purely instrumental music to life in a very different and more eloquent way. It was hearing Handel’s music – so familiar to me in Italian – with German texts that really brought this reality home, but the repercussions stretch beyond Handel, beyond operas and oratorios, and into concerti and dance suites and early symphonies too. In instrumental music we may lack the semantic specificity that spoken languages offer, but by employing the full variety of sounds borrowed from any and all languages we can play not only parlante, but sprechend, too.

Joseph Crouch is principal cellist of The English Concert and co-principal cellist of the Academy of Ancient Music. The new AAM recording of the Brockes Passion, the first to be based on all the available early sources, is to be published in October 2019.

Singing Handel, Then and Now

Richard Wistreich

If you attend a performance of a Handel opera or oratorio these days, the chances are it may still be billed, perhaps rather self-consciously, as being ‘historically-informed’ – though increasingly it is no longer considered necessary to draw attention to such exceptionality, because this has become the norm. Our ears (and eyes) are now fully acclimatised to the light and agile playing of gut-strung instruments with short, light bows; the pungent, stringy sounds of baroque oboes and bassoons; the almost reedy, piercing quality of narrow-bore, valveless trumpets and horns; and the dry crack of shallow, calf-skin headed timpani beaten with hardwood sticks. Even the harpsichord, that for a good half-century has been a standard member of the Handel orchestra, has now come into its own as a richly variegated binding agent in the overall sound-palette, rather than being just a dry, percussive clatter disturbing the seamless homogeneity of modern orchestral texture; and as often as not, it is reinforced in the continuo section by a theorbo or two. This lustrous, multi-coloured sound-tool of the ‘Baroque orchestra’, in the hands of skilled and committed players, steeped in the style and fully aware of role they play in the dramatic fabric of Handel’s music, is one of the most exciting developments of the past 30 or so years of the aural experience of this music we love. Indeed, for many people, hearing Handel’s music played on ‘modern instruments’, however well phrased and articulated – but with little differentiation from that of Mozart, Beethoven or Mendelssohn – feels like a distinct disappointment.

Meanwhile, however arresting the transformation in the sound of Handel’s orchestral textures, what can you expect to hear from the most important people to whom you are listening ? the singers? The human larynx may not have evolved over the past 300 years, but the almost infinite number of different sounds that it can produce means that there could be an equally wide range of possibilities for informed hypothesis and experimentation by ‘historically-informed’ singers (one only needs to listen to the huge variety of different singing styles currently in use across genres outside classical music to get a sense of what the singing voice is capable of). Surely, it would be a betrayal of the entire ‘historical performance’ project, and very likely to produce a strange distortion of the aural picture, if the vocal dimension of Handel’s music had not been subjected to the same kind of review and renovation as has happened to the orchestra.

You may well think that this is indeed just what has occurred over the past half-century. Thus, in general, you are probably less likely to hear voices and singing styles more appropriate to Verdi, Wagner or Puccini performing Handel than you might have been in earlier times, although the pace of this change sometimes seems to be painfully halting: a case of two steps forward, one – or sometimes two – steps back. Singers with lighter and more agile voices (particularly sopranos and some tenors) who spend much of their lives performing pre-1800 music are probably more often cast in major productions of Handel’s operas than they once were; although this rarely extends to the huge 19th-century metropolitan opera houses that, thanks rather ironically to the success of the Handel opera ‘revival’, increasingly schedule works that were written for much smaller spaces. Many managers seem to think they have to fill the stage not only with strangely distracting productions, but also to cast singers with vocal techniques designed and honed for the sheer power and decibels necessary to get across a big orchestra and up to the back row of the upper circle.

When it comes to musical style, professional Handel singers these days are more likely to add ornamentation – usually more or less appropriate – to the da capo sections of arias; although very few yet do as their 18th-century predecessors did and actually improvise – or, more accurately, compose – on the spot, new melodic material in the repeats. Indeed, once you have read just a fraction of the evidence about early 18th-century professional singing technique and style contained in contemporary teaching manuals, memoirs, and scientific literature, it quickly becomes clear that (for reasons which are too complex to interrogate in detail here) while there has been a consistent and pretty rigorous approach to recovering historical instrumental sounds and playing techniques over the course of many years, vocal sound has barely budged. It remains ‘the elephant in the room’ of historically informed Handel performance.

Why does any of this matter? First, because of the perplexing mismatch between the vocal and the instrumental components that make up the ‘new’ musical soundscape. The disconnect between the orchestral and singing sounds you will normally encounter in performances of Baroque music, even those whose musical directors are particularly associated with ‘historically informed’ performance, is perhaps even more bewildering than some aspects of contemporary stagings of Handel opera. Among the latter is the terror many theatrical directors apparently have of allowing singers simply to stand still while performing their arias, as they did in Handel’s time, enabling them and the audience to focus on the rhetorical power of the music’s vocality alone to express the emotions of an arrested moment in the drama, rather than trying to make movement and business do the interpretational work.

What, then, are the main differences between the sounds of ‘modern singing’ and the way that singers these days learn their craft and, based on what we can surmise from the evidence, they might have been like in Handel’s time? To begin with perhaps the most obvious, the pursuit of ‘historicism’ has not yet – thankfully – overcome the taboo against reinstating the castrati who were so essential to the whole effect of 18th-century opera seria. However, the typical ‘solution’ normally adopted for the casting of heroic male soprano roles over the past 30-40 years with male falsettists (rather anachronistically called ‘counter-tenors’) was largely a decision based on the priorities of theatrical realism (‘men must be played by men’), rather than the likelihood that the way that modern counter-tenors produce their voices actually most closely approximates to the sound of castrati – any more than that of modern female sopranos, now increasingly being cast to play such roles, dressed in male costumes. Indeed, when it comes to vocal production in general (and this includes all voice types, from soprano down to bass), notwithstanding the earnest commitment of some musical directors to enforcing ‘historically informed’ style (at least in the music, as they rarely have any say in the production style), all the ‘surface’ effects they demand of their singers – attention to ornamentation in particular, but also matters of phrasing, articulation and dynamics – are essentially ‘instrumental’ effects that sidestep the fundamental, but also potentially troubling, implications of attempting reconstruction of Baroque vocal production itself, and hence its sound.
Today’s professional Handel singers, especially in opera, are almost exclusively products of conservatoire vocal education, which has been progressively cemented into a fairly universal ‘method’. This found its most thorough manifestation back in the mid-19th century: Manuel García the younger’s Traité complet de l’art du chant, published in Paris in 1840 and subsequently reworked in English in 1847. García, trained in the master-apprentice system (initially taught by his father, Manuel the elder, a famous early 19th-century Mozart singer who also created roles for Rossini), exercised a commanding influence as a pedagogue, first in France and then in England, for more almost three-quarters of a century. He began teaching at the Paris Conservatoire in 1829, became professor of singing at the Royal Academy of Music in 1847, where he taught for over 50 years, and lived to the age of 102. The legacy of his method (still in use to this day) continues to dominate classical vocal training right across the world. The treatise effectively lays out the technical principles of modern classical singing: in particular, the process by which singers can consciously elongate the vocal tract by gently depressing the larynx and keeping it depressed as the voice ascends through its pitch register, at the same time lifting the soft palate and projecting the sound forwards to maximise the natural resonances of the facial cavities. With careful control, achieved through concentrated training, the effect of this is that the voice finds a particularly advantageous frequency band, known as ‘the singers’ formant’. This is what enables opera singers’ voices to carry over big orchestras and fill large auditoria without the need for artificial amplification, and for them to maintain equal power throughout the whole vocal range, from low to high.

This production is ‘mechanically’ highly efficient, and when done correctly, involves little or no vocal strain. However, the downsides include the necessity to modify vowel sounds, a result of maintaining the elongation of the vocal tract particularly as the voice reaches its upper range, in order to maintain a consistent ‘ring’; this is the reason why it is often difficult to hear differences between opera singers’ vowels (something particularly detrimental to the pure vowels of the Italian language of Handel’s operas). Another disadvantage is the relatively high sub-glottal breath pressure needed to maintain such vocal carrying power. This seriously mitigates against the natural flexibility of the larynx that is essential for achieving truly rapid coloratura, including trills and highly articulated runs – both key elements in the armoury of the vocal effects which characterised virtuoso and affective singing style from the Renaissance until at least the early 19th century. Nevertheless, even professional ‘early music singers’ (including, by the way, counter-tenors), employ this form of vocal production, essentially because it is the recognised ‘sound of classical singing’.

By contrast, vocal training before the Romantic era was focused on a number of distinctly different priorities, which are in turn reflected in the various forms of written vocal music from the mid-16th until the mid-19th centuries, and are a particularly distinctive feature of opera and oratorio from the ‘long 18th century’. If there is a counterpart to Manual García for this era, it is probably the castrato and voice teacher Pier Francesco Tosi’s Opinioni de’ cantori antichi e moderni (1723), which effectively summarises the principal elements of vocal training going back to the mid-17th century, when Tosi learned his art. Thanks to subsequent translations and updatings of his book, these elements remained largely unchanged until well into the 19th century. Tosi describes the process of gradually and systematically developing the young singer’s natural voice into a flexible and expressive instrument (he recommends starting studies aged 12, 13 or 14, although many, especially girls, began much earlier). Instead of striving for unity of sound quality across the whole range, the aim was strong differentiation of the two registers, chest and falsetto, while making the transition between them seamless (tenors, for example, changed over into falsetto above a certain point, rather than pushing the chest voice up into the head as they do now). An exercise called messa di voce (literally ‘placing the voice’) focused on producing a perfect swelling of every note from very soft to loud and back again without deviation in pitch (wobble). This developed breath control and was also in itself an expressive device to be applied to all long notes in performance. Finally, the singer needed to develop disposizione (disposition, or skill) in order to produce trills and very fast passage-work. This requires the larynx to ‘float’ freely, the breath is kept at a very low pressure, and the coloratura is articulated in the throat (known in Italian as cantar di gorga); this, in turn, reduces the carrying power of the voice. Of all the technical aspects of early 18th-century singing technique, it is this latter which is perhaps most alien to almost all singers trained in the modern classical style.

So, just suppose we were to try to apply such a pedagogical programme – something that would, ironically, be particularly difficult for Handel singers already steeped in modern vocal production – how different might Handel’s vocal music actually sound? The short answer is that singers would have to undertake a lengthy process of experimentation, with completely open minds, just as players of Baroque orchestral instruments have been doing for a long time. The outcome could be a revelation.

Note
Suggestions for further reading:
Potter, J. (2012). Vocal performance in the ‘long eighteenth century’. In The Cambridge History of Musical Performance (eds. Lawson, C. & Stowell, R.), 506-526. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Wistreich, R. (2000). Reconstructing pre-Romantic singing technique. In The Cambridge Companion to Singing (ed. Potter, J.), 178-191. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Professor Richard Wistreich is Director of Research at the Royal College of Music.

Handel’s Management of his PR

Ruth Smith

Robin Darwall-Smith’s interesting article about Handel’s performances in Oxford during the ‘Publick Act’ of 1733 (Handel News 74) mentions ‘debate about whether Handel intended to take a Doctorate in Music at Oxford; some sources claimed that he was even offered an honorary doctorate, which he declined’ – whetting the appetite for more information about these sources and this story. The first port of call now for scholars exploring Handel’s career is George Frideric Handel: Collected Documents [HCD], ed. Donald Burrows and others, of which Volume 2: 1725-1734 offers nearly 30 pages of contemporary reportage about Handel’s Oxford sojourn.

The possibility of Handel’s being awarded an Oxford degree was in the air for at least seven years before the Vice-Chancellor invited Handel and his ‘lowsy crew’ to provide entertainment. But according to the editors of HCD there is no record in any Oxford University or college archive of any plan to offer him a degree of any kind, and according to the historian of 18th-century Oxford’s musical life, Harry Diack-Johnstone, the degree of honorary doctorate in music did not then exist at Oxford (‘Handel at Oxford in 1733’, Early Music, 31, 2003, p.257).
The affair of the Oxford degree (not) affords a gleam of light on a subject we know too little about, Handel’s management of his own PR.

For more than three months before his trip to Oxford the London papers intermittently carried announcements of Handel’s supposedly intended degree. Not only did he not publicly deny this fake news, but he apparently adopted and repeated it, for it prefaces a big item in the Daily Advertiser of 20 June 1733 which is so well informed that it can only have originated with him or one of his close associates (perhaps his amanuensis J.C. Smith):
Great Preparations are making for Mr. Handel’s Journey to Oxford, in order to take his Degree of Doctor of Musick: a Favour that University intends to compliment him with, at the ensuing Publick Act. The Theatre there is fitting up for the Performance of his Musical Entertainments, the first of which begins on Friday Fortnight the 6th of July. We hear that the Oratorio’s of Esther and Deborah, and also a new one never perform’d before, called Athalia, are to be represented two nights each; and the Serenata of Acis and Galatea as often. That Gentleman’s Great Te Deum, Jubilate, and Anthems, are to be vocally and instrumentally perform’d by the celebrated Mr. Powell, and others, at a solemn Entertainment for the Sunday. The Musick from the Opera is to attend Mr. Handel; and we are inform’d that the principal Parts in his Oratorio’s, &c. are to be by Signora Strada, Mrs. Wright, Mr. Salway, Mr. Rochetti, and Mr. Wartzs. (HCD 2, p.641)

This accurately reports Handel’s intended Oxford programme, and, apart from ‘Wartzs’ (a misprint for Waltz), it accurately reports on the company Handel had formed for Oxford. Its only slight lapse is its failure to mention the extent of the celebrated Oxford counter-tenor Walter Powell’s involvement. It rightly lists him as organising and singing in Handel’s sacred music, but Powell also took the male alto oratorio roles. In all other respects, the detail and accuracy of this press report suggest that it must have come from Handel himself, and prompt the question: was Handel, far from denying, encouraging belief in the notion, which it starts with, that he had been offered an Oxford degree? If so, he must have been pleased by the way the fake news spread.
Shortly after the Oxford Act, the French author Antoine-François Prévost reported in the first issue of his Le Pour et contre, a journal of the British arts scene and history for French readers, on:
the quite extraordinary ceremony which has just taken place in the University of Oxford, for the installation of the famous musician Handel as Doctor of Music. His is the first instance of this kind. The English are convinced that the best way of encouraging the arts is to award to those who excel the most honourable distinctions. In whatever field, whoever rises above his equals passes for a great man. (HCD 2, pp.670-1)

He amended his report the following week; after a glowing account of Handel’s achievements, he continued:
The University of Oxford, conscious of such merit, offered its highest honours to Mr Handel, with the glorious title of Doctor of Music. The day of the ceremony was to be the 9 July, for which date they had arranged the reception of a large number of other Doctors and Masters of Arts. Mr Handel arrived in Oxford, but they were surprised to see him refuse the mark of distinction which they intended for him. Only such modesty could equal his talents. He did not fail to express his great gratitude to the University, and to contribute to making the ceremony devoted to the others more brilliant [a more accurate account of some of the ceremonial follows]. (HCD 2, pp.672-4)

Handel may have been pleased too with even faker news circulating in his native Germany, the Hamburg Relations Courier reporting in October that:
At the recent great Public Act at the University of Oxford… the University honoured the famous Musician, Herr Handel, a German by birth, who has resided for a considerable time in England, with the Doctorate in Music, and this is the first time that anyone has had this Doctorate conferred. His test-piece consisted of an oratorio, called Athalia, which more than 3700 people, many of them gentlemen and ladies of the highest rank, attended as spectators. (HCD 2, pp.682-3)

Whether or not there is any truth in the idea that Handel wrote Athalia not only to be premiered in Oxford but to gain him a degree there, his whole programme, so carefully specified in a London paper despite being performed in Oxford, suggests a larger purpose: that he was using the Oxford opportunity to give his compositional profile a new definition, and that he was using the London press to publicise it. He was facing competition from the new so-called Opera of the Nobility, which had just poached nearly all his principal singers. He could not know if he would be able to mount another London opera season. Oxford offered scope to programme an intensive week of his other most popular genres to date, oratorio and anthem, and to project himself as the unmatched composer of oratorio.

He succeeded immediately in having his profile as an oratorio composer promulgated. Prévost’s report of the Act in Le Pour et contre mentions that Handel:
has recently introduced to London a new kind of composition, which is performed under the name of ‘oratorio’, a kind of religious cantata divided into scenes, but with no plot or action. Although the subject is religious, the audience is as numerous as at the opera. He brings together all aspects: the sublime, the tender, the lively, the graceful. (HCD 2, pp.672-4)

Handel would surely have been pleased to have his music so described.

Tragic Voices in Tamerlano

David Kimbell

Discussions of the music of Tamerlano commonly mention three features: (i) the ‘claustrophobic’ restraint of the orchestration, which is felt somehow to match the oppressive stage-sets, all prison-like interiors in the tyrant’s palace; (ii) the gloomy final chorus, in which neither Bajazet (who is dead) nor Asteria (who has gone out to mourn him) play any part; and (iii) the various ways in which Handel shows a more than common seriousness about the recitatives (some simple recitatives are extraordinarily long; there are unusually many accompanied recitatives; in Act III finally the opera comes to its dramatic climax in Bajazet’s great death-scene, it too chiefly composed in varieties of recitative). A sombre piece, then; and these oddities clearly have something to do with the fact that Tamerlano is, of all Handel’s Royal Academy operas, the only one for which the librettist, Nicola Haym, used the term ‘tragedy’.1

In what follows I essay a preliminary investigation of my hunch that this Tamerlano bleakness is inherent in many of the arias too. For all their expressive intensity and the poignancy of the human dilemmas they explore so vividly, one cannot but wonder, comparing them with those in the contemporary Giulio Cesare or Rodelinda, whether they have the same sheer overflowing of generous musical inventiveness that we can so commonly depend on in Handel, ‘the “plein air” composer with the most open of horizons, the inexhaustible and generous melodist’, as Alfred Brendel calls him.2 Has Handel, in Tamerlano, found a ‘tragic’ way of directing this musical inventiveness, beyond the relatively external matters of orchestral austerity and the strategic balancing of recitative and aria?

My starting-point is Handel’s use of coloratura which, far from being one of the frills, is actually one of the principal sources of his power as a composer. When Handel sets an aria text to music (let us envisage one of six lines, of which the first three (a b c) are used in the principal A section of the aria), he commonly begins by setting it in such a way that every syllable of the text of a b c is clearly audible. There may be a few ornamenting notes, there may be a limited amount of coloratura on some important word, one or two words may be repeated; but none of this is enough to break the close link between poetic metre and musical rhythm. Once that phase has been completed, the music’s continuation is likely to become freer and more florid, usually in connection with the modulation to the dominant key and the intermediate ritornello, and often that modulation is clinched with a cadence phrase in which at least part of the text is uttered clearly and emphatically. It is that free ‘continuation’ between the (quasi-)syllabic opening phrase and the vigorous cadence (also often quasi-syllabic) where Handel’s energy, his command of musical architecture and the sheer variousness of his musical imagination, as he heads for the ‘plein air’ and open horizons of Brendel’s metaphor, are best to be enjoyed.

Much of the music of Tamerlano shows exactly this pattern. To cite one example, Irene’s aria No.10, ‘Dal crudel che m’ha tradito’, shows it again and again: after the syllabic presentation of the text in bars 6-10, the complete standard pattern of syllabic opening, florid continuation, and vigorous cadence can be heard in 11-18, 19-26 and 27-32. The more substantial of Andronico’s arias show the same feature, and something of the variety of its possibilities: in Aria No.12, ‘Benché mi sprezzi’, for example, as in so many arias in triple time, broad hemiola cadence phrases – magnificently broad at 61-64 – replace merely emphatic ones. But when we turn to the characters who contribute most vitally to the opera’s tragic vein – Bajazet, Asteria, Tamerlano – the situation is rather different.

One cannot expect a tenor to sing coloratura with the same scintillating verve that a high voice, soprano or castrato, brings to it. Nevertheless, if one compares the coloratura in Bajazet’s role with that sung by Grimoaldo in Rodelinda, a part written for the same singer a few months later, it is clear that the slowness and weightiness of the coloratura in Tamerlano is a deliberately chosen element of style. Much of it might be loosely described as instrumental in character: in No.3, ‘Forte e lieto’, it is poignantly stretched out as he agonises over the dilemma his love for Asteria causes him; in No.8, ‘Ciel e terra armi di sdegno’, it punches the air with the force of a trumpet call; in No.19, ‘A suoi piedi’, after long stretches of syllabically-set music, a few phrases are drawn out with slow-moving, widely spaced coloratura in which every note can be given expressive weight, screwing home the sense of anguish. Rather different, because more rhetorical (by which I mean ‘speech-derived’ rather than ‘instrumental’), is the coloratura in No.35, ‘Empio, per farti guerra’. The idioms of accompanied recitative are much in evidence here: reiterated chords in the orchestra; broken declamatory phrases in the voice, punctuated by orchestral unisoni flourishes; and the style of the coloratura arises from that. It is slow-moving, like all Bajazet’s coloratura 3, but angular too, making extravagant gestures with the voice so-to-speak, as if he were conjuring up the ombra of which he sings.

In Asteria’s music one observes exceptional restraint in the coloratura. In her first aria, No.7, ‘S’ei non mi vuol amar’, there is none. And to give the music the expressive breadth it demands, the undecorated melody is borne on an unusually wide range of modulation. In the principal section of No.9, ‘Deh, lasciatemi’, any ornamental exuberance in the ‘continuation’ is largely due to a florid instrumental descant, which breaks in where we might expect the singer to break out (especially at 54-59). In No.27, ‘Cor di padre’, too, it is the relationship between voice and violins that is critical. During bars 7-12 the whole text of A is sung syllabically, in detached phrases punctuated by jagged instrumental figures, a dialogue of contrasting voices. When it comes to the broadening climax of this phase of the aria, the two voices (Asteria and the violins) entwine, their gently florid lines intensified in expression by the dissonant suspensions (12-14). As in aria No.9, at one point where climactic coloratura might be anticipated (27-28), it is the orchestra that supplies the animating detail while the voice sustains a long note.

As one might anticipate, several of these arias have concordances with other Handel works. The most thought-provoking of them is the first: the concordance between Bajazet’s aria No.3, ‘Forte e lieto’ and the German aria ‘Die ihr aus dunklen Grüften’. 4 In the texts there is an oblique poetic echo: Brockes’s poem contrasts the blindness of those who dig treasure out of dark mines and lock it up in boxes, with the good sense of those who step out into God’s fresh air and rejoice in the treasures he has scattered so generously in Nature. In the darker mood of Tamerlano, the man stepping into the light is only prepared to accept liberty at all – let alone take pleasure in it – because of the love of his daughter. Without that he would rather stride fearlessly to his death, and it is that fearless stride that transforms the incipit of the ritornello, launching into it with a determined, accented falling octave extra to the melodic idea in ‘Die ihr’, and going on to give a teeth-setting grittiness to the rest of the phrase by virtue of the dotted rhythm and tight trills. In the continuation of the ritornello, over a reiterated pedal note, the two arias diverge strikingly again: ‘Die ihr’ rocks easily between dominant and tonic harmonies; ‘Forte e lieto’ at the same juncture quivers with syncopations before plunging into sustained chromatic dissonance.

We see that coloratura in these arias is rarely employed as an expression of ‘purely musical’ energy. It is sometimes avoided altogether, sometimes delegated to the accompanying instruments, often slowed down, broadened out, twisted into unfamiliar shapes to become the principal vehicle of the arias’ expressiveness. Is that an aspect of Handel’s tragic vein?

Notes
1 ‘To the reader’, in the printed libretto (London, 1724). See Hallische Händel-Ausgabe, II, 15, Tamerlano (ed. Terence Best), p. XXXV. All references are to that edition.
2 Brendel, A. (2017). Music, Sense and Nonsense: Collected Essays and Lectures, p.418. London.
3 The exception is No.23, ‘No, no, il tuo sdegno’, where the unexpected turn of events momentarily enables Bajazet to escape from his tragic obsession.
4 We do not know which preceded which. I have written this paragraph as if the Tamerlano aria ‘borrowed’ from the German aria, but the point of the comparision will not be lost if at some time the German aria should prove to be the later composition.

David Kimbell is Emeritus Professor of Music at the University of Edinburgh.

Handel in Japan

Tadashi Mikajiri

While the links between Japan and European music go back to the Christian missionaries of the 16th century, the closing of the country for two centuries meant that there was a long gap until the late 19th century. By 1900, however, Western art and music were part of cultural life in the larger cities, and this grew after the Second World War, with music from the classical and romantic eras leading the way, later extended to include older and later genres.

The walls of elementary and middle schools’ music rooms in Japan nowadays usually contain portraits of great European composers. Handel is always included. A diligent music teacher will introduce pupils to a couple of works of each one. In the case of Handel, a guidebook for teachers includes such works as ‘Hallelujah’ from Messiah, the Water Music, the Harmonious Blacksmith, ‘See the conq’ring hero comes’ from Judas Maccabaeus, and ‘Ombra mai fu’ from Serse; only one or two of these will be selected to be heard in the classroom. In addition, Handel’s music is widely used at events and as background music for TV programmes and commercial advertisements. For example, ‘See the conq’ring hero comes’ is not infrequently played (though slowly) in ceremonies of sports events, including Sumo wrestling. Thus many people know the melodies of this and of ‘Hallelujah’, ‘Ombra mai fu’, ‘Lascia ch’io pianga’, and the Alla Hornpipe from the Water Music, even if most are not aware who composed them.

Piano lessons for young children are popular in Japan, and Bach’s keyboard works are in the regular curriculum together with pieces by Mozart, Beethoven and Chopin, for those who have gone through basic training. So most musicians, professional or amateur, have learned to appreciate baroque music through Bach. Handel is not as popular yet, except Messiah, which is performed well over 100 times every year across the country.

One of the early contributions to the study and introduction of Handel and his works was a biography (1966) written in Japanese by the late Keiichiro Watanabe (1932-2001), who is also known in the scholarly world through his philological studies. Christopher Hogwood’s biography of Handel was translated into Japanese in 1991 by Toshiki Misawa, who studied with Watanabe. In the memorial year of 2009, The Cambridge Companion to Handel, edited by Donald Burrows, was translated into Japanese by Koko Fujie, Hiroko Kobayashi and Tadashi Mikajiri, and won an award from The Music Pen Club Japan.

Almost all the scholars/researchers of Handel are in their 50s, 60s or older, and there are few younger people studying him. Papers related to Handel seldom appear in the journals of the Musicological Society of Japan or universities/colleges. We need more young people to enter this field.

Performances of Handel’s works, however, are in much better condition. The ‘period instruments’ movement came to Japan in 1970s and 1980s, and gradually led to more performances of Handel’s chamber works, together with those of Bach, Vivaldi and Telemann. For a while, performances of Handel’s larger-scale works were limited to Messiah and some rare exceptions up to the end of 1980s. The tide changed when Keiichiro Watanabe started collaborating with Telemann Institute Japan in Osaka to premiere a series of oratorios. Solomon (1995), Hercules (1996), L’Allegro, il Penseroso, ed il Moderato (1997), Deborah (1998), Athalia (1999), Susanna (2000) and Theodora (2001) saw national premieres during this period. Simon Standage was invited to lead the orchestra for some of these concerts.

Now there are two active groups specialising in Handel: the Handel Institute Japan, founded by Keiichiro Watanabe in 1998, focusing mainly on operas; and Handel Festival Japan, founded in 2002 by Toshiki Misawa, covering various genres, especially oratorios.

The Handel Institute Japan, formed to promote researches, performances and enjoyment of Handel’s music, consists of musicians, musicologists, researchers of related areas and listeners. It offers half a dozen lectures/meetings annually on the researchers’/listeners’ side, and studies stage practices of the period, especially baroque gesture, on the performance side. It staged Rinaldo in 2002* (asterisk indicates Japanese premiere) in memory of the late Keiichiro Watanabe, Serse (2003), La Resurrezione (2004), Agrippina (2005), Il Pastor Fido (2008), Ottone (2009) (with Laurence Cummings invited to direct), Alessandro (2010), Partenope (2012)*, Flavio (2015), Deidamia (2017) and Ariodante (2018).

Handel Festival Japan aims at performing both vocal and instrumental music, to expand Handel’s image beyond the traditional view as a composer of Messiah. It performed Acis and Galatea (2003* and 2011), La Resurrezione (2004), The Choice of Hercules* with Concerti Grossi Op.6 (2005), Hercules (2007), Water Music and Coronation Anthems (2007), Tamerlano (2008*, concert style), Messiah (2009), L’Allegro, il Penseroso, ed il Moderato with the Ode for St Cecilia’s Day (2010) (which the late Christopher Hogwood was invited to conduct), Samson (2012), Alcina (2013, concert style), Saul (2014), Alexander’s Feast (2015), Jephtha (2016), Belshazzar (2017), Theodora (2018) and Solomon (2019).

In addition to these two groups specialising in Handel, several others have started staging Handel’s operas. The Vivava Opera Company in Osaka/Kobe area, although they do not confine themselves to Handel, have staged a lot, including a number of Japanese premieres: Flavio (2004), Alcina (2005), Deidamia (2006), Imeneo (2007), Tolomeo (2008), Orlando (2009), Lotario (2010), Radamisto (2012)* and Rodelinda (2013)*. Nationally/internationally recognised opera/music companies are now including Handel’s operas and oratorios in their programmes: Nikikai, the largest opera company in Japan, has performed Giulio Cesare twice (2005, 2015) and Alcina once (2018). Alcina was also staged by the Tokyo Chamber Opera Theatre (2008). Bach Collegium Japan, which specialises mainly in Bach, performed Israel in Egypt (2007), Judas Maccabaeus (2008) and Rinaldo (2009, concert style). The New National Opera Theatre (Opera Palace), run by a governmental body, will include Giulio Cesare in its 2019/20 season. There are also more amateur chorus groups beginning to sing Israel in Egypt, Judas Maccabaeus, Dixit Dominus and the Chandos Anthems.

All of these performances were mainly played and sung by Japanese musicians. There were also occasions when western companies came to perform, including Giulio Cesare by Berlin Staatsoper (1980), Ottone by King’s Consort (1992) and Ariodante by Bayerische Staatsoper (2005).

In total, this is a good long list and shows considerable progress from the pre-1985 period. But only a few works are played each year; the venues are limited to Tokyo and Osaka/Kobe, the two biggest metropolises of the country; and most are single performances. Famous titles, like Giulio Cesare, Alcina, Ariodante, Serse and Rinaldo have been produced several times, and seem to have acquired repertoire status, but most others have been performed only once or twice. More than half of Handel’s operas/oratorios remain on the waiting list. It would be good to see more titles staged in Tokyo and Osaka/Kobe, and more performances in other cities in the country.

Later operas – by Mozart, Verdi, Wagner, Puccini – have already acquired solid popularity in Japan. Baroque operas, that were constructed in a different dramaturgy, a different social/political context and with different stage practices, could be misunderstood as boring unless their charms are clearly and vividly presented. While the technical ability of musicians – instrumentalists and singers alike – have improved considerably in the last 30 years, it is the duty of musicologists to place these great works in the proper light to be appreciated by modern audiences.

There are more than 40 music colleges/universities in the country, only four of which have undergraduate courses dedicated to period instruments and historically-conscious playing/singing. So, at bachelor level, baroque technique is still a minor part of the curriculum. Several schools, however, offer optional classes for those who are interested in historical performances. In addition, with the growing appreciation of period-style music in the country, more postgraduate musicians are seeking opportunities to study historical technique, and the number who have had such training in Europe is now well over a few hundred. Thus the resources for playing Handel’s works are increasing.

Looking back at my school days in the 70s and 80s, only a few discs were released each year, and it was quite possible to buy all the new LPs of Handel’s works. My record shop manager used to call me when a new title appeared, and I bought every one of them. New releases increased after CDs appeared, and it is now realistically impossible to buy all the Handel CDs and DVDs. It is dreamlike that we now can enjoy Handel’s music in such abundance. However, real enjoyment of Handel’s works, especially operas and oratorios, lies in opera houses and concert halls. We need to promote more live performances.

Fortuitously, the next Emperor, Naruhito, was born on 23 February, the same day as Handel. His succession is in May 2019, and his birthday will be a new national holiday. Since it coincides with Handel’s, this should provide good enhanced opportunities to play and enjoy Handel’s music in Japan.

Tadashi Mikajiri teaches at the Opera Studio of the New National Theatre, Tokyo, and at the graduate schools of Kunitachi College of Music and Kyoto City University of Arts.

Handel and Crime Fiction: an Interview with Donna Leon

Tony Watts

Donna Leon is a very successful crime novelist. Her series of 27 crime novels are set in Venice, featuring Commissario Guido Brunetti. They have been translated into 35 languages and also, in Germany, into a well-known television series. She has been named by The Times as one of the 50 Greatest Crime Writers. But Handel operas have also played an important part in her life.

She was born in Montclair, New Jersey, USA in 1942. She taught English literature in various countries, including China, Iran and Saudi Arabia. Her PhD on Jane Austen (still her favourite novelist) was aborted when she had to leave Iran hurriedly in the revolution of 1978/79, losing all her papers. In retrospect she feels it was a merciful release: ‘I was free from Graduate School – praise the Lord!’

In 1968 she visited Italy for the first time, fell in love with the country, and decided to live in Venice. She started writing her crime novels there when she was 50, and fairly soon became sufficiently successful to give up her teaching. She now only teaches once a year, at a music festival at Ernen in Switzerland. She moved to Switzerland in 2015, with two residences, in Zurich and in the mountains, though she still returns to Venice for around a week per month. She claims that her fame is accidental: ‘I’m irresponsible: I’ve never had any ambition to be successful or well-known.’ Her writing started ‘as a joke – pure dumb luck!’ She has resisted her novels being translated into Italian, to avoid celebrity there.

Her transformative induction into Handel was a performance of Alcina at Carnegie Hall in New York in the 1970s: ‘it was different from any opera I had experienced in my life, and I was overwhelmed by the beauty of the music’. Thereafter, she listened to lots of recordings of Handel operas, and went to performances when she could. Now, she experiences them almost exclusively in live rehearsals and performances. She particularly pursues Handel operas and recitals featuring her favourite singers, notably Anna Bonitatibus, Joyce DiDonato, Ann Hallenberg and Inga Kalna. Her favourite Handel works are Alcina and Giulio Cesare, with Il Trionfo, Semele and Rodelinda in contention.

For her, Handel is the pre-eminent composer. She likes other baroque composers, including Telemann, Vinci, Porpora, Cavalli and Purcell. Mozart and Bach are also ‘part of the pantheon’, and she goes to operas by Donizetti, Rossini with great delight. But for her, Handel is distinctive: ‘the plots are not important, but what matters is people’s feelings, how they express them in the arias, and how they learn. And how they forgive: I love him because he’s compassionate, and the music is compassionate.’ There are not many people in Handel operas who are wholly bad. The same is true in Donna Leon’s books: ‘I don’t think there are many people who are wholly bad. Usually they become heads of state’ (we agreed not to mention any names).

Also, Handel ‘understands the plight of women: women are toys to most operatic composers, but not to Handel: he takes them very seriously’. In this sense, ‘he’s Trollope and all the others are Dickens: Dickens will teach anyone how to write a novel, but he doesn’t know anything about women’.

A further transformational moment was a serendipitous meeting with Alan Curtis at a dinner party in Venice: ‘One of us said “Handel’s the greatest composer”, and the other said “By God he is!” And that was it: we married one another (figuratively) at that instant!’ A little later, Alan Curtis happened to be at dinner at her place when the phone rang. It was Dino Arici from the Solothurm Festival in Switzerland, wondering whether to include a baroque opera in his next festival and ‘whether there was a baroque opera that hasn’t been done much. So I asked Alan and he said “Arminio”. And I said “Alan can probably bring it”. So we took Arminio to Solothurm, and we had so much fun, that it took off.’

She supported Alan Curtis in sustaining Il Complesso Barocco, leading to its series of Handel CDs. The group ended with Alan Curtis’s death in 2015. But she continues to provide similar support to Il Pomo d’Oro, of which she is one of three founders. In addition to financial support, she likes to make suggestions, particularly on possible singers, though she leaves it to the musicians to make the decisions on such matters. ‘I’ve known some of the musicians for 20 years: they’re like my kids’. She is a doer, ‘but I avoid any responsibility about anything: I don’t like the idea that I might influence people’s lives in a bad way – that frightens me’. There are plans to record Agrippina, and she would also like to do Semele and Il Trionfo. Given the finances of the music world today, ‘to record an opera by Handel is an act of folly, but it is also an act of love – to the orchestra, to the singers, and to the people who like the music enough to try a new version; and I think it should be done’.

A major project with Alan Curtis was her book Handel’s Bestiary, published in 2010/11 in English, French, German and Spanish. He selected 12 simile arias from Handel’s operas that made reference to animals, and she wrote short essays about each of the animals, drawn from history and mythology. They were illustrated by Michael Sowa, with an accompanying CD of the arias performed by Il Complesso Barocco. She is currently doing a series of Bestiary concerts, with readings linked to the music.

Her novels include some operatic elements. Two are located at La Fenice in Venice: Death at La Fenice and Falling in Love. All include an inscription drawn from operas. The first 15 were from Mozart, because the Da Ponte librettos are ‘wonderful texts’. But the subsequent ones have all been from Handel. The latest novel also draws from a Handel text in its title: Unto Us a Son is Given.

Living so long in Italy, she has realised that ‘Italians and Handel don’t go together. They don’t like baroque music, and don’t play it much. The giant paradox is that many of the great baroque orchestras and conductors are Italian, but where do they work: in England, France and Germany. But if you live in a country that has given the world Rossini, Donizetti, Verdi and Puccini, why would you go and listen to this German?’

She does not have strong views on staging: ‘I don’t care – it’s not important to me. I can always close my eyes, and listen to beautiful singing. I go to the opera to listen. I’m much more aural than visual. And visual judgement is far more subjective than aural judgement. We’re in 2019, so people have to take chances.’

Donna Leon loves Handel, but does she identify with Handel in some ways? After all, both are voluntary exiles. And both have lived their lives as single people, yet have such a deep understanding of family relationships: many of Handel’s most moving duets are filial (usually mother-son or father-daughter), and an important feature of the Brunetti books is his relationship with his wife and children. She rejects the suggestion: ‘He’s fat, I’m thin; he’s a boy, I’m a girl.’

Whereas nearly all Handel’s operas have a happy ending, this is not true of any of Donna Leon’s novels. ‘My vision of life is very bleak. I’m a very happy person, and my life in many ways couldn’t be improved. I can do what I want, and I have a lot of people who I love, and who love me. But I’m no fool: people can be very unpleasant and nasty. And they’re crime books, after all.’ Nonetheless, she does not reject Handel’s lieto fine: ‘that was the convention, and what’s good enough for Handel is good enough for me’.

Royal Acrimony and the Water Music

Graham Cummings

It is likely that the three orchestral suites that comprise Handel’s Water Music (HWV 348-350) were less the products of royal patronage and more those of royal acrimony and competition.

The Elector Georg Ludwig of Hanover became heir to the British throne in June 1714, on the death of his mother, the Dowager Electress Sophia, who was the grand-daughter of James I, and Queen-designate by an Act of Parliament. [1]

When the 54-year-old Elector landed at Greenwich on 18 September 1714, he was accompanied by his son and heir, Prince Georg August, whose relationship with his father had been a troubled and, at times, estranged one for many years. [2]

The new monarch, George I, was very much a ‘Soldier King’ who had served with distinction as a Field-Marshall under Marlborough. Politically, he was more interested in his state of Hanover and in the balance of power in Northern Europe, than in the machinations of the various Whig factions and the ousted Tories. He appears to have been a genuinely shy man who hated formal court gatherings, ceremony or splendid public occasions where he was the centre of attention. He liked to dine in private, and frequently to delegate the court ‘drawing rooms’ to his son and daughter-in- law, Prince George Augustus and Princess Caroline, the Prince and Princess of Wales. [3] Concerning the King’s principal interests, one of his Hanoverian ministers commented that there were two – horses and women! However, the King also inherited his parents’ enthusiasm for Italian opera.

His reserved manner and general gravity were observed, if not welcomed, by his English courtiers. That George I was loath to appear in public began to worry his advisers; his ministers urged the King to make himself more visible to his people. The King’s regular attendance at the Italian opera in the King’s Theatre in the Haymarket during the three opera seasons 1714-17, together with the royal water parties on the river Thames in the three summers of 1715-17, could be viewed as his response to this criticism.

Significantly, the difficult relationship between the King and son played a prominent part in the attempt to gain public approval for the new monarch. This relationship was at its best an uneasy one, and at its worst strongly acrimonious. It became highly competitive by the summer of 1715, with open conflict following by late 1717.4 Although George I did not care for royal or state ceremony, the same could not be said of his son, who appeared to revel in public occasions. [5]

This family competition could be observed in the attendance of the two royal figures at the King’s Theatre, where their patronage was important to the success of this expensive musical venture. The King normally attended at least half of the performances in each [of the three] London opera seasons 1714-17, and was particularly supportive of Handel’s operas. [6] Although the Prince endeavoured to match his father’s level of support in the 1714-15 season, in the remaining two he only appeared once per season. However, Prince George’s attempts to win public favour seem to have been more successful on the water than in the opera house, except on one famous occasion. [7]

Royal Water Parties

To most Londoners, that is, those outside court and government circles, George I and the Hanoverian royal family were distant, almost unknown quantities. Initially, there was little popular support for the German King. Therefore the six water parties during July and August 1715 could be viewed as propaganda exercises aimed at presenting the royal family as symbols of stability and prosperity that could be seen by many, however far this might have been from the truth. [8] Nevertheless, that the publicity for the family event on 13 August had a certain success can be gauged from the following report in the newspaper, The Flying Post or The Post Master, (13-16 August 1715):
On Saturday Evening [13 August], His Majesty, with their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess [of Wales], and several of the Nobility in their Barges, went from White-Hall as far as Limehouse, to take the Air. They were diverted with a Consort of Musick on board, which was excellently perform’d by the best Masters and Instruments. The River was crowded with Boats, and the Banks with Spectators, so that both from the River and the Shores, there were repeated HUZZAES, and loud Acclamations, Long live K. George, the Prince, the Princess, and all their Royal Issue, &c.
As they return’d, [an] abundance of Ships were illuminated with Lanthorns in their Rigging, and the Houses on both Sides of the River with Candles. The Musick continu’d playing, and Guns were fired from the Ships and Wharfs ‘till His Majesty landed.
[9]

The number of excursions on the Thames taken by the King and his son during this period assumed a competitive element. Of the ten such water parties during the summers of 1715 and 1716, seven were undertaken by the Prince and Princess of Wales without the King, one by the King without his son and daughter-in-law, and only three that followed the intended purpose of presenting a united royal family. At three of them (14 July 1715; 13 August 1715; 6 June 1716) the performance of music was reported, but there are no details of the composer in the newspaper descriptions. If these competitive aquatic excursions were all about ‘public display’, then through them the Prince was making a more determined effort that the King to win public acceptance and approval.
After George I’s return to London in January 1717 from a six-month visit to Hanover, the relationship between father and son worsened. ‘The interference of the Prince of Wales in politics, independent of his father and in part in open opposition to him’ [had] further aggravated an already difficult situation. [10]

As the summer of 1717 approached, the King’s relations with his son rapidly deteriorated. ‘Rival public display [became] the order of the day, and this motive accounts for the extravagance of the water-party’ that the King took in July 1717. [11]

Even at this late stage, the Prince anticipated the King’s design by undertaking another water party himself on 19 June 1717 without his father, even though he must have been aware of the arrangements for the King’s party on 17 July. This last event was deliberately intended to surpass in magnificence and splendour any previous such royal excursions. Most significantly, the Prince and Princess of Wales were not invited. This was to be a festivity only for the King’s supporters, including his half-sister, Madame Sophia von Kielmansegge, and a coterie of court beauties.

The newspaper, The Daily Corant (19 July 1717), provided a clear description:
On Wednesday Evening [17 July] at about 8, the King took Water at Whitehall in an open Barge, wherein were also the Dutchess of Bolton, the Dutchess of Newcastle, the Countess of Godolphin, Madame Kilmanseck and the Earl of Orkney.

And went up the River towards Chelsea. Many other Barges with Persons of Quality attended, and so great a Number of Boats, that the whole River in a manner was cover’d; a City Company’s Barge was employ’d for the Musick, wherein were 50 Instruments of all sorts, who play’d all the Way from Lambeth (while the Barges drove with the Tide without rowing, as far as Chelsea) the finest Symphonies, compos’d express for this Occasion, by Mr. Hendel; which his Majesty liked so well, that he caus’d it to be plaid over three times in going and returning.

At Eleven [at night] his Majesty went a-shoar at Chelsea, where a Supper was prepar’d, and then there was another very fine Consort of Musick, which lasted till 2 [am]; after which, his Majesty came again into his Barge, and return’d the same Way, the Musick continuing to play till he landed. [12]

However, the King did not fund the cost of this extravagant party or commission the music. Both the payment for the orchestra (some £150) and its transport were provided as a compliment to the King by one of his Hanoverian ministers resident in London since 1714, Baron Johann Adolf Kielmansegg. The Baron was an amateur musician with a great interest in opera who had known Handel for more than seven years at the time of the commission of the Water Music, having first met the young composer in Venice in 1709-10. The Baron was close to the King since he was married to the King’s half-sister, and also occupied the important court post of ‘Master of the Horse to his Majesty’.

This famous event, which occasioned the first performances of Handel’s Water Music suites, should be viewed as the high point of a programme of social display during the summer of 1717. However, it was also nothing less than a propaganda exercise mounted by George I in competition with his son for public approbation. Rather than being symbols of the royal family’s unity, the water parties exposed the acrimonious divisions between the King and his son for all who could understand their significance.

Notes
[ 1] By the Act of Settlement (1701) the crown of Britain was settled on Sophia, Electress of Hanover, and her descendants in the event of the death of Princess Anne and her descendants. This was promoted by King William III to ensure that Anne’s successor was a Protestant, and not her Catholic half-brother James Francis Edward Stuart, the ‘Old Pretender’.
[2] Smith, H. (2009). King George I. The Cambridge Handel Encyclopedia (eds. A. Landgraf & D. Vickers), 254. Cambridge.
[3] Hatton, R. (1978). George I: Elector and King, 132-133. London.
[4] Ibid., 192-210.
[5] Smith, H. (2006). Georgian Monarchy: Politics and Culture, 1714-1760, 100. Cambridge.
[6] Burrows, D. (1994). Handel, 75. Oxford.
[7] Burrows, D. & Hume, R.D. (1991). George I, the Haymarket Opera Company and Handel’s Water Music. Early Music, XIX(3), August, 333-335.
[8] The dates and details of the royal water parties during the summers of 1715, 1716 and 1717 are taken from Burrows & Hume, op.cit., 341, table 2.
[9] Burrows, D., Coffey, H., Greenacombe, J. & Hicks, A. (eds.) (2013). George Frideric Handel: Collected Documents, Vol..1, 323. Cambridge.
[10] Hatton, op.cit., 197.
[11] Burrows, Handel, 78.
[12] Handel: Collected Documents, Vol.1, 379-380.

Graham Cummings is Visiting Professor in Historical Musicology at the University of Huddersfield.

Book Review – Jane Glover: Handel in London: The Making of a Genius

London: Macmillan, 2018

Reviewed by David Vickers

In only the second biographical study of Handel’s life and works to have been written in English by a professional conductor, Jane Glover goes into deeper detail on some of the works than the cannier scholarly prose of Christopher Hogwood (whose credentials as a pioneering performer of Handel’s works were second to none). Glover’s conducting career has included half a dozen of the most famous Handel operas, plus productions of Acis and Galatea, L’Allegro, Theodora and Jephtha; there is also the small matter of over a hundred performances of Messiah, and doubtless she has acquired extensive experience of directing a smattering of other choral works and favourite lollipops. Moreover, her PhD dissertation (Oxford) and subsequent publications on the 17th-century opera composer Cavalli demonstrate that in principle she is no stranger to proper scholarship: the bibliography of Handel in London contains plenty of suitable research material – although, curiously, not any of the new CUP series of Handel’s collected documents, and she ignores the abundance of useful materials in academic journals and periodicals. Donald Burrows’s fastidious and impeccably balanced Master Musicians tome is unlikely to be challenged as my first port of call for referential Handel biography, whereas Glover has produced a cuddlier introduction for curious music-lovers who might never before have read anything on the composer’s life and works.

The author praises Jonathan Keates’s ‘magisterial’ biography as her touchstone, and perhaps the spirit and style of his writing is the closest counterpart in the Handelian literature to this new contribution. The prose tends to be friendly, effusive and endearing. Glover is an assured story-teller and often conjures an unabashedly sentimental tone when relating personal crisis points in Handel’s life. The descriptions of his sporadic illnesses are related with sensitivity, and the accounts of his eventual blindness and death are touchingly emotive. This biography does not aim to achieve a nuanced portrait of the composer’s flaws; he is affixed securely on a pedestal for the entire duration of a narrative that presents the artist as an irreproachable hero. Evidence of his temper, stubbornness, gluttony and bouts of laziness (as alluded to in several of Charles Jennens’s letters) are glossed over; there is no hint of why his erstwhile colleague Joseph Goupy created the vicious caricature ‘The Charming Brute’ (not an illustration reprinted here).

Explanations of complex historical events involving the last years of Queen Anne, the Hanoverian succession, the machinations of Walpole, the Jacobite rebellions of 1715 and 1745, various pan-European wars and the incessant squabbling of the royal family in London are dealt with engagingly if not impeccably. At its best, Handel in London is an entertaining albeit imperfect tale that is told with flair.
Glover’s passionate advocacy of certain works is highly welcome: it is good to read such enthusiastic overviews of Israel in Egypt, Judas Maccabaeus and Joshua – oratorios that have not always been admired fairly by musicologists and yet are popular with choral singers. Likewise, the author’s enthusiasm for Handel’s under-appreciated settings of Metastasio librettos in Poro and Ezio is well-placed. Nobody will be surprised that praise is lavished on Giulio Cesare, Tamerlano, Rodelinda, Orlando, Ariodante and Alcina (all of which Glover has conducted), and there are similar exaltations of Saul, Messiah, Samson, Semele, Hercules, Belshazzar, Solomon, Theodora and Jephtha. In other words, almost all works generally accepted as Handel’s greatest masterpieces are given their approximate due.

Nevertheless, the author commits sins of commission and omission. Glover’s perfunctory dispatching of Flavio, Admeto, Atalanta and even Serse (all excellent works) suggests an uneven grasp of Handel’s output. The section on Partenope is typical of errant judgments: Rosmira’s hunting aria ‘Io seguo sol fiero’ is described as ‘dramatically somewhat irrelevant’ (not true), and the author is misguided when she writes that the arias composed for Arsace are ‘unremarkable … The awful truth, which Handel understood all too well, was that [the castrato] Bernacchi was no good.’ Another misperception is that ‘Per le porte del tormento’ (Sosarme) is ‘one of Handel’s most exquisite duets of misfortune and longing’; in fact, it is an exquisite duet of blissful reunion and hope (something that the words and music convey clearly). There are too many flimsy assertions. The final two operas, Imeneo and Deidamia, are dismissed unfairly in short shrift; much more attention is accorded to the patchier Floridante and Siroe. Something closer to consistent equity in the treatment of all the operas was needed.

Lopsided imbalance also afflicts the appraisal of oratorios: Deborah and Joseph and his Brethren are condemned cursorily with barely any credible engagement (Glover seems content to recycle Winton Dean’s negative verdicts on both); there is barely any insight on Susanna. Whilst it is laudably brave to offer critical judgments, the author’s commentaries are reliant on name-checking a few famous arias along with generalisations about Handel’s genius for dramatic characterisation: she seldom says exactly how or why. There is, for example, little explanation of what makes Samson an unparalleled dramatic oratorio.
Secular English-language works receive deserved praise. Glover writes insightfully on Acis and Galatea, but brief summaries of a few nice airs and choruses in Alexander’s Feast and L’Allegro, il Penseroso ed il Moderato are superficial, and lack any proper consideration of why Handel’s imaginative responses to the literary subtleties of Dryden and Milton are special (the author claims that ‘Handel had certainly dropped a level of creative energy’ in 1736, yet Alexander’s Feast and Atalanta both show the composer at the top of his game). The nature of the allegorical dispute and conciliation between quarrelling opponents in L’Allegro is neglected – curiously, the same crucial element was lamentably obfuscated in Mark Morris’s choreographed production that Glover has conducted frequently. The author states wrongly that L’Allegro was first performed in 1740 as a double-bill with Acis and Galatea; perhaps it has been confused with some contemporary performances of the Song for St Cecilia’s Day.
Unreliability and imbalance also extend to the treatment of Handel’s orchestral music: it is misguided to spend so many pages discussing the Music for the Royal Fireworks (hardly his most inventive and sophisticated orchestral work) and yet the miraculous Twelve Grand Concertos (Op. 6) are only referred to in passing. None of the organ concertos are singled out for assessment, and the Op. 3 concertos are never mentioned. If the reader wishes to learn what makes Handel’s chamber sonatas or keyboard music special, they will not find guidance here.

The focus of the book on Handel’s years in London apparently prohibits anything more than a perfunctory summary of his youthful grand tour around Italy, dispatched by the author in only two and a half pages that are packed with errors. It is stated wrongly that Handel’s first oratorio was La Resurrezione (it was Il Trionfo del Tempo e del Disinganno), and Glover asserts that whilst in Italy ‘Handel made contact with influential musicians, including … Stradella’ (who was stabbed to death on a Genoese street three years before Handel was born). Any consideration of ‘The Making of a Genius’ (the book’s subtitle) ought to give proper attention to how the composer’s abilities were forged in his manifold works for Rome, Florence, Naples and Venice (Agrippina merits as much attention as any of the most celebrated London masterpieces). Likewise, it is surprising that there is no mention anywhere in the book about Handel’s lifelong method of borrowing ideas from other composers, and no credible engagement with his compositional processes.

Handel in London is the fruition of a sincere love for the composer’s music and a close personal engagement with some of it. Its vexing deficiencies and unevenness are a pertinent reminder of the impossible task that any single author has in condensing such a vast, rich and fascinating subject into a single book that aims to be simultaneously entertaining, fluent, reliable, academically informed and accessible. In those terms, Glover comes almost as close as anyone else ever has.

On Directing Handel’s Operas

James Conway

Over the last 27 years I have had the good fortune to programme and direct a dozen Handel operas, some of them several times; and because they have toured and been invited to festivals, I have been lucky enough to see them played before extremely diverse audiences. I recall the trepidation and delight I felt before the Irish premiere of Tamerlano in Tralee, County Kerry (anticipated by a scary reviewer in one of the august journals of the day in the words ‘the plain people of Ireland do not want da capo arias’), as clearly as the dismay I felt when asked to explain my production of Rodelinda to a small group of journalists (presumably to sweeten their reviews) and donors not before or after but at the interval of a performance in the most high-brow receiving house in the USA.

I take pleasure in the form – and play with form – of Handel’s operas. I esteem the characterisation, the profound understanding of all kinds of love, the story-telling (pretty remarkable in the face of the requirements of the celebrities with whom he worked), and the sheer mastery of vocal and instrumental writing within a beautifully confined palette. Some work better than others on stage, but none that I have studied needed rescuing – unless perhaps from an accretion of performance tradition, or of expectation and affectation on the part of some of those ready to buy tickets.

What Handel’s genius deserves is creative, thoughtful, open-hearted attention. Just as the best performers are those who are generous enough to bring themselves to the stage, and to meet their characters in rehearsal, so the most rewarded audience members are those who leave preconceptions and received opinion at the door, and bring their own feelings, thoughts, sharpened sensations and goodwill to their seats. One of the achievements of which I am most proud – not mine alone, of course – was the Handelfest English Touring Opera toured in 2006, with 5 different Handel operas performed on 5 successive nights in several regional cities, together with recitals and talks in the daytime. What I remember of that, now, are the excitement in the foyers, the comments on the streets in the day-time, the letters and emails in the years that followed. I remember the people telling me that Tolomeo had spoken to them of the loneliness and beauty of the homeless, that Teseo has surprised them with its sheer energy and brilliance, that Ariodante had pushed them to consider the limits of goodness, that Flavio had seemed like Romeo and Juliet with melody.

In those weeks after the London openings it seemed there were no gate-keepers, no acknowledged experts. There were many people who cared, and there were some right barneys at pre-performance talks. A few people did talk about vibrato as if they knew what it meant, but generally that sort of dullness found its way to the cellar, and quieter voices said how the work made them feel, describing what happened when they listened attentively to a siciliano, or even watched a sequence of gestures that deepened their appreciation of character and fate, just as music does.

Just as the best singer, player or audience member has to be generous enough to bring their own, particular, generous attention to a performance, so directors and conductors have to bring their particular, personal, generous attention to a production. Conductors are much in fashion as auteurs, though I dare say few in the audience know what the conductor actually does in the performance, unless they are observed feverishly playing the harpsichord. They do a lot, if they are good, and none of what they bring comes to them in nocturnal communion with the composer (though some have been turned into such celebrities that their heads may have been thus turned). It all comes from hard work and close attention.

Directors, on the other hand, are unfashionable: easy targets for snipers. To be any good they have to prepare for months or even years with close attention and humility; they have to cull more ideas than they develop, and to embed those that are developed so deeply in performance and design that they seem to be the ideas of the performers and the audience members. I guess there are some who are celebrities but not very good, just as there are celebrated-but-not-very-good academics, journalists, performers. But I don’t recognise the image of the bad child, rather like Ravel’s ‘L’Enfant’, which seems to be the regular target of metropolitan journalists and gate-keepers.

I don’t reckon that choosing a period in which to set a production is very interesting. Sometimes it is essential (in a political opera with an identified time lapse like Verdi’s Simon Boccanegra, for example); sometimes it is helpful, if it helps to illuminate the meaning of a siege, say, or a religious conflict; and sometimes it offers clarity in terms of defining status, obligations, or even a way of moving on stage. But it is not the primary task of a director as I understand it. Maybe I am old-fashioned: I think directors create design with designers, interpret and clarify text and music, agree motivation, create movement with performers that sets out meaning in special relationships, use theatrical devices like lighting to heighten meaning, and try to guide the eyes of the audience in a way that matches or strategically (and temporarily) opposes the music and text.

Contrary to what people seem to think, each gesture of hand or arm or face, each position on stage is (or should be) scrutinised in rehearsal; it is likely that it is the result of layer on layer of practice. What appears simplest has probably had more distracting gesture excised than you can imagine. I recall some gestures in particular (it might not be a good sign that they stand out) that were so counter-intuitive they took what seemed ages to make – a slow fall, for example, the meeting of two wrists, a controlled gaze in dialogue; then, when they ‘worked’, it was a long labour to make sure they kept their proper duration in relation to the music, yet did not atrophy. I guess that is why most ‘semi-staged’ Handel opera performance is so repellent to me. It’s just lazy, and the results are generally silly, full of stock gesture and village-idiot facial expression, with the occasional hand-holding or kiss to seal the deal of banality the conductor has made with the audience. (In fairness, they are not 100 miles away from a good deal of jet-age celebrity performance on our finest stages). Naturally, ‘semi-staged’ performances are generally the best reviewed in today’s journals, in which directors are so loathed, but one hopes that will pass. Maybe then we can have excellent concert performances again, as well as well-staged ones.

Because I understand Handel’s operas as dramas of character refined by fate, and because the characters develop in distilled recitative and formal arias, I have always favoured stark, poetic settings and clear, extremely detailed gesture. I guess I should be happy if a favourable critique says that it is not ‘inappropriate’ – even though I don’t understand the use of ‘appropriateness’ in the consideration of art of any kind. It has become such a dull word: something for people who are looking to have their expectations met in artistic encounters. Surprise, delight, enrapture, scald, scour – these are the kinds of verbs I like to think of when I go to the theatre, and when I work on an opera production.

Forget reviews: why should you care? Forget authority: who has it, in this context? Nobody knows what an opera production is supposed to be like, and although there is a rickety industry built out of it, nobody knows what is ‘authentic’. If you give close attention, and if the director, conductor and performers have given close attention, something wonderful might happen. I’d say a fair bit of my emotional education, such as it is, has come from the practical study of Handel’s operas – as well as much wanton pleasure. I am doing my best to see that as many people as possible around the country have those chances!

James Conway is Artistic Director of English Touring Opera.

A Handel Anecdote

Graham Pont

‘During the latter part of Handel’s life, when a boy, I used to perform on the German flute in London, at his oratorios. About the year 1753, in the Lent season, a minor canon, from the cathedral of Gloucester, offered his service to Mr Handel to sing. His offer was accepted, and he was employed in the choruses. Not satisfied with this department, he requested leave to sing a solo air, that his voice might appear to more advantage. This request was also granted; but he executed his solo so little to the satisfaction of the audience, that he was, to his great mortification. violently hissed. When the performance was over, by way of consolation, Handel made him the following speech: “I am sorry, very sorry for you indeed, my dear sir! but go you back to your church in de country! God will forgive you for your bad singing; dese wicked people in London dey will not forgive you.”

This anecdote comes from The History and Antiquities of Doncaster and its Vicinity, with Anecdotes of Eminent Men (1) which was published by the author, Edward Miller, at Doncaster in 1804. Miller was overlooked by O.E. Deutsch in Handel: a Documentary Biography (London, 1955) but has an interesting biography in Wikipedia. Of working-class origins, he took up the study of music with Dr Charles Burney and became the organist of St George’s Minster in Doncaster, a post he held for fifty years. In 1771 he published The Institutes of Music, or Easy Instructions for the Harpsichord which Wikipedia claims went through sixteen editions (2). In 1786 he was awarded a Doctorate in Music by Cambridge University. In 1787 Miller published his Treatise of Thorough Bass and Composition and in 1801 The Psalms of Watts and Wesley. One of his pupils was the blind organist Frances Linley (c.1770-1800).

Notes
(1) I thank Dr Jennifer Nevile for supplying photocopies from The History and Antiquities of Doncaster and for drawing my attention to Miller’s recollections of the Staniforth brother and sister.
(2) The figure of sixteen editions is not confirmed by COPAC or WORLDCAT.

A Day Trip to the Crystal Palace Handel Festival in 1877

Les Robarts

In the 19th century Handel was perhaps the only composer whose music had sufficient commercial clout for railway companies to run dedicated trains to festivals featuring his music. Pop-music festivals’ attendees nowadays travel to the venue mostly by road — no special trains take them there — though in the 1950s Glyndebourne patrons could travel on exclusive first-class-only trains from Victoria. But in June 1877 an excursion for visitors to the mammoth Handel oratorio performances at Crystal Palace was one of many special trains to run from cities around the UK for devotees.

The Midland Railway’s train from Yorkshire travelled overnight in each direction. Passengers booked a return ticket for a price possibly equalling a day’s pay. For being prepared to suffer privations, they were conveyed in elderly carriages, most of which had either fixed four or fixed six wheels, were without brakes, were unheated and were probably unlit, with bench seating in open saloons. The moneyed class went First Class, while the rest crammed into Third Class. Smoking, restricted but unenforceably so, was likely throughout the journey. Conversation was not private and contended with constant rattles, bangs and thuds as carriage wheels clattered over very short-jointed rails. Because refreshment and toilet facilities were not provided on the train, food and bodily functions were catered to by a brief stop at Trent, a station situated in the middle of nowhere between Derby and Nottingham. Catnaps must have been the only respite during a fitful and tedious journey of nearly seven hours.

The handbill for this train informs passengers that they were responsible for transport and fares between St Pancras and either Victoria or Holborn Viaduct, from whence trains took them to a choice of stations at Crystal Palace. One can imagine these Yorkshire folk, in a crowd of possibly three hundred people, vying for horse-drawn vehicles to take them to the two southern stations. Yet there was some financial compensation in a discount admission ticket to the Palace, on production of their Midland Railway ticket.

Flyer for a day trip to the Handel Festival at Crystal Palace, June 1877.

Top of the bill that season was Messiah. Performers numbered in thousands, the soprano Adeline Patti a main attraction. Later in the week there was Israel in Egypt. Which was all very well for Londoners, living locally and within easy reach of Crystal Palace, but very unfortunate for the Yorkshire passengers who, having endured the horrors of overnight travel, had only the Grand Rehearsal on the day of their visit. The special train clearly was not for Yorkshire musicians wishing to swell choir and orchestra numbers. One can only speculate that such was the national awareness of the grand occasion and presentation of Handel’s music, combined with the vigorous growth in amateur choirs and orchestras in church, chapel and workplace, succoured by ‘cheap’ Novello scores of Handel’s oratorios, that the Midland Railway sensed a market opportunity for a new source of revenue.

Handbill by kind permission of Dr David Turner, University of York.

Graham Abbott, thanks for all the Handel

Sandra Bowdler

Readers of my article ‘Handel Down Under III: the Last 35 Years’ (Handel News, No.67, 2016) may recall my comment that ‘during the late 1990s, a veritable slew of Handel operas was almost single-handedly produced by conductor Graham Abbott’. They comprised 38 performances of five works (Giulio Cesare in Egitto, Alcina, Ariodante, Orlando, Agrippina), spread over the years 1995 to 2000. Neither Ariodante nor Agrippina had been seen in Australia previously. While one of Graham’s runs of Giulio Cesare was under the auspices of Opera Australia (OA) which tends to dominate Australian opera performance generally, the rest were for smaller regional companies (West Australian Opera, Perth; Queensland Opera, Brisbane; Stopera, Canberra), thus bringing Handel operas to a wider audience than OA’s usual Melbourne and Sydney.

Graham’s contribution has not been limited to opera, however. He has conducted many of the oratorios – Saul, Alexander’s Feast, Joshua, Solomon, Athalia, La Resurrezione (both Australian premieres), Israel in Egypt, and Belshazzar with extracts from Samson and A Song for St Cecilia’s Day in concerts, not to mention opera excerpts from Rinaldo and Scipione. Other vocal works under his baton have included Dettingen Te Deum, Utrecht Te Deum, Funeral Anthem for Queen Caroline, Roman ‘Carmelite Music’ of 1707 (complete, including Dixit Dominus), Cecilia, Volgi un Sguardo and many performances of the complete Coronation Anthems. Orchestral works include concerti grossi, organ concerti, and many performances of the Water Music and the Royal Fireworks. He is also a fine keyboard player.

Graham’s major effort has been with respect to Messiah: 74 performances to date, spread across all the Australian capital cities except, not surprisingly, Darwin – better known for cyclones and crocodiles than Baroque music. Graham has conducted the Symphony Orchestras of Sydney, Melbourne, Adelaide, Tasmania, Western Australia, Queensland and New Zealand, with such prominent soloists as the late lamented Deborah Riedel, Leanne Kenneally, Sarah Macliver, Paul McMahon, Robert Macfarlane, Elizabeth Campbell, Graham Pushee, Christopher Field, Sally-Anne Russell, David Hansen, Donald Shanks, Daniel Sumegi and John Wegner. His performances are notable for his deep understanding of the text as well as the music, and respect for the composer, unlike some Australian (and not just Australian) conductors who treat the various versions as a smorgasbord from which variations can be extracted at will. Graham, like Handel, chose versions which suited the forces at hand.

Graham Abbott was born and educated in Sydney, studying at the Sydney Conservatorium and being awarded the ABC(1)/Willem van Otterloo conducting scholarship in 1985. In 1986 he was appointed Conductor-in-Residence at the Elder Conservatorium of Music at the University of Adelaide, and made his professional orchestral debut with the Adelaide Symphony Orchestra in 1987. Many such engagements have followed. While Handel is his passion, he has conducted an enormous range of composers and styles of music, from opera to chamber works, spanning the 18th to 20th centuries. He is also well known as a choral conductor.

Graham has, since a lad, been fascinated by musical history covering all periods and styles. With this background, he inaugurated a programme for ABC Classic FM entitled ‘Keys to Music’ (KTM): one hour a week devoted to exploring a particular composer, period, style or technical aspect of classical music – such as, indeed, musical keys. Several KTMs were devoted to aspects of Handel, including a three-part episode on Messiah which was released as a CD set, another on Saul, a programme on Handel’s London operas and more. Many Australian topics were explored. These programmes were immensely popular, being delivered in a friendly communicative fashion which in no way patronised the audience but was directed at beginner and seasoned musical aficionado alike.

Last year, however, the ABC decided to change its whole approach to its Classical FM station, in what appears to be a desperate bid to alienate its considerable number of dedicated followers. From being one of the absolute treasures of cultural life in Australia, it is now it seems trying to attract a young clientele who would on the whole no more want to listen to it than sit through re-runs of ‘Are You Being Served’ and are in any case well catered for elsewhere.

It’s with sadness that I report that KTM will end in mid-January. I was informed of this today. Thank you to everyone for 15 great years!
— Graham Abbott (@GrahamAClassic) 2 November 2017

There are many other examples of the destruction of ABC Classic FM, particularly the removal of anything resembling advance listings of music from every possible medium, but the sudden demise of KTM was a singular blow for many. A deluge of dismayed comments was evident on many Facebook, Twitter and other forums.

Graham of course continues to perform as conductor and teacher in other venues, and will no doubt will delight us with many more Messiahs and other Handelian treasures; for a conductor, he is young yet! To this point, however, his contribution to Handel reception in Australia is already second to none.

Note
(1) Australian Broadcasting Corporation: a government agency responsible for various radio, television and online services. ABC Classic FM is a radio station devoted to classical music.

Portrait of Handel by Denner

Mark Windisch

Portrait of Handel by Denner

This portrait of Handel by Balthasar Denner (1685-1749) hangs in the German Historical Museum in Unter den Linden in Berlin. Readers will have noted that the dates in German are correct, but the English translation gives a birth year 10 years later. This was pointed out to the Museum staff who were somewhat surprised by the error and the fact that no one had noticed it before!

Notice in museum about Denner's portrait of Handel. In the English translation Handel was born 10 years later!

The portrait was painted in 1709 when Handel was Kappelmeister to the Elector of Hannover and says incorrectly that Handel travelled with the Elector to London in 1714. He was already established in London when the Elector arrived there.
Balthasar Denner was born in Altona near Hamburg nine months after Handel. It is surmised that he knew Handel personally since they were both acquainted with Barthold Heinrich Brockes, famous for the Brockes Passion, and Denner was known to have an interest in music.

Denner stayed in London for six weeks in 1715 and had similar experiences to Handel, becoming friendly with several members of the English aristocracy who had invited him to England. He accordingly brought his family to London in 1721. Here he painted the more famous portrait of Handel in 1726-28 which hangs in the National Portrait Gallery.

Unfortunately Denner’s health began to deteriorate. He returned to Hamburg in 1728 and never visited England again.

Liszt’s Performances and Arrangements of Handel

Graham Pont

Arrangements of Bach’s music by the great pianist Franz Liszt are well-known but most Handelians would be surprised to learn that Liszt also took inspiration from their favourite composer. In an article published in Göttinger Händel-Beiträge (1), Christiane Wiesenfeldt notes that Liszt performed works by Handel at Vienna in April-May 1838 and again in March-April 1846. He also conducted performances of Messiah at Weimar and Aachen in 1850 and of Judas Maccabaeus at Weimar in May of the Handel centenary year 1859.

In June 1879 Handel’s first opera Almira was performed at Leipzig: it is not known if Liszt attended the performance but he did acquire a copy of the vocal score of Almira that was arranged by the Austrian composer Johann Nepomuk Fuchs and published at Leipzig in the summer of 1879. In Act I of Almira there are two dance movements, a Chaconne and a Sarabande (HWV 1: 3& 4). By September 1879 Liszt had produced ‘un morceau de concert pour piano’: an elaborate paraphrase which was published later that year under the title ‘Sarabande und Chaconne aus dem “Almira” von G.F. Händel, für Pianoforte zum Konzertvortrg bearbeitet’ (Kistner, Leipzig, 1879). The work was dedicated to Liszt’s English pupil Walter Bache. It received its premiere public performance by Alfred Reisenauer at Leipzig in May 1883 and a few months later was performed at London by Walter Bache.

G.F. Handel's Almira score of Sarabande und Chaconne

The original publication is now very rare: the only recorded copies are held by the Liszt Foundation in Budapest and the Library of the University of Berne, which has kindly supplied the copy reproduced here. Note that in his introduction to the Sarabande (bars 1-4) Liszt has indicated signs of articulation in both hands and the pianoforte pedalling that are inconsistent with Handel’s opening bars (5ff.) and with the staccato chords of bars 13ff. The contrast of three forms of articulation for thematically related passages is very Handelian.

Although Handelians (including me) have been generally unaware of this work, it is well-known to Lisztians: there are several performances available (about 11 minutes long) on YouTube. While the dances are blown up with characteristic virtuoso fireworks, Liszt’s treatment of Handel strikes me as quite sympathetic, at least when he stays close to Handel’s original text. I just wonder what Handel himself would have made of it.
The Sarabande and Chaconne from Almira was not the end of Liszt’s involvement with Handel. The Australian Liszt authority Dr Leslie Howard is editing an unpublished medley for the pianoforte which includes melodies from Handel’s Messiah, as well as ‘Rule Britannia’ and ‘God save the Queen’.

Note
(1) ‘Eine Laune des “anbetundswürdigen Fingerhelden”? Liszts Variationen über Sarabande und Chaconne aus Händels Almira’, Göttinger Händel-Beiträge, XIII (2010), pp.63-78. The article includes copies of Liszt’s much-corrected autograph of the Sarabande and Chaconne.

Bringing Athalia Home: Handel and the Sheldonian Theatre, Oxford

Robin Darwall-Smith

In 2019 Oxford will celebrate the 350th anniversary of the inauguration of Christopher Wren’s early masterpiece, the Sheldonian Theatre. Although it was built primarily as a venue for university ceremonies, from the first it led a parallel life as a concert hall, and eminent musicians visiting Oxford, such as Joseph Haydn or Jenny Lind, have performed there – as did Handel.

Handel’s visit to Oxford on 5-12 July 1733 coincided with the University’s ‘Publick Act’. This was a grand festival in which benefactors to the university were commemorated, honorary degrees conferred, and grand Latin orations delivered. The Act had been in abeyance for some years, and special efforts were made to ensure that this would be a special occasion: Handel was invited to Oxford by the Vice-Chancellor of the University.

Handel offered Oxford a rich bill of fare. The ‘Utrecht’ Te Deum and Jubilate were heard in the University Church on 8 July, and Acis and Galatea in Christ Church Hall on the morning of 11 July; while in the Sheldonian Theatre, Handel performed two older oratorios, Esther (on 5 and 7 July), and Deborah (on 12 July), but also offered there on 10 and 11 July the first two performances of a new work, Athalia.

There is debate about whether Handel intended to take a Doctorate in Music at Oxford: some sources claimed that he was even an offered an honorary doctorate, which he declined. Even if that story is mere gossip, Handel never did take a doctorate from Oxford (or, indeed, Cambridge), although he would have had every opportunity to do so in 1733. It has even been suggested that Handel might have preferred to remain ‘Mr. Handel’, to stand apart from such musical doctors as Maurice Greene, whose works he considered inferior.

Handel’s visit to Oxford was rather a daring venture. Even in the 1730s the University of Oxford had a reputation as a haven of Jacobites, and Handel was not only a German, but also a German with close links to George II. The splendidly splenetic Oxford diarist Thomas Hearne, whose support for ‘James III’ had led to his dismissal from his university offices, certainly had no time for Handel. In his diary on 6 July he muttered about ‘Handel and (his lowsy Crew) a great number of forreign fidlers’. Others grumbled at the prices of tickets for Handel’s concerts: a satirical play from later in 1733, The Oxford Act, includes among its characters music-obsessed Fellows and undergraduates bankrupted by attending Handel’s concerts.

Nevertheless, Handel did choose a nicely ambiguous subject for his Oxford oratorio, for the plot of Athalia, about an apostate usurper being overthrown by the rightful (and orthodox) heir, could be read in two very different ways. Loyal Hanoverians could recall the overthrow of the Catholic James II, and the protection of the Protestant religion under the first two Georges; while Jacobites might yearn for the time when George II would be sent back to Germany, and James II’s son re-installed as Britain’s rightful monarch. But Handel had his own ambiguities: for all his close links to the House of Hanover, perhaps his greatest English librettist, Charles Jennens, was a non-juror, opposed to the Hanoverian succession.

Whatever controversies may have been aroused by Handel’s visit to Oxford, he left behind many admirers there. The most notable was the Professor of Music, William Hayes, who established a strong performing tradition of Handel. In 1749, to mark the opening of the Radcliffe Camera, Hayes arranged a Handel festival, giving performances of Esther and Samson, and also Messiah, which until then had never been heard outside Dublin or London.

The tale of Handel’s 1733 Oxford trip might seem now more than an interesting interlude in his life as a whole, were it not for an important accident of history. The Sheldonian Theatre is now arguably the only building standing – and standing in substantially the same condition – in which Handel premiered one of his oratorios.

On 8 June 2019 the Oxford Bach Choir will therefore make its own contribution to the 350th anniversary of the opening of the Sheldonian Theatre by performing Athalia there with its Principal Conductor Benjamin Nicholas, thus offering lovers of Handel’s music the very rare opportunity to hear one of his works performed in the very space in which it was first heard, under the composer’s direction, over 280 years ago.

Note
Further information on Handel’s visit to Oxford may be found in, among other places, Susan Wollenberg’s Music at Oxford in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (Oxford, 2001), pp. 23-29.

Robin Darwall-Smith is Archivist of University and Jesus Colleges, Oxford

‘The first great English oratorio’: Handel’s Athalia

Kate Shaw

‘Athalia is the first great English oratorio’: thus begins Winton Dean’s chapter on Athalia in his seminal work on Handel’s oratorios (1). Dean makes little attempt to define the generic label ‘oratorio’ in the context of Handel’s Athalia (1733), instead making the work conform to the theme that runs through his book: that Handel’s oratorios have roots in Classical drama. He, for example, claims that the character of Athalia is ‘a Jewish Clytemnestra’, thereby bypassing the work’s Biblical source and instead anchoring it in the tradition of Greek tragedy.

Philip Brett & George Haggerty (2), the only other scholars hitherto to discuss the work at length, conversely identify Athalia as part of the contemporary British phenomenon of Sentimental drama, which they see as evidenced by ‘the musical enlargement of Josabeth’s role’. The roles of the two leading female characters, Josabeth and Athalia, are defined as Sentimental and Tragic respectively. But Handel’s Josabeth and Athalia are complex characters, for whom such labels swiftly become limiting.

By analysing both Josabeth and Athalia in scenes critical for their character, I seek to demonstrate that they display neither tragedy nor sentimental drama, but instead that the combination of the two genres in Athalia illuminates the complexity and distinctiveness of Handel’s dramatic concept expressed in this work.

Athalia
To understand Athalia as a tragic heroine is to limit her: the vulnerability, inaction and stasis through which Handel and his librettist Samuel Humphreys characterise her might be read as granting her more complexity. Whilst it is true that Humphreys has taken much of Athalia’s text verbatim (via translation) from the true tragic heroine that Jean Racine portrays in his play Athalie (well-known in Handel’s London), Humphreys and Handel together create a character with far more agency.

Humphreys imitates yet diminishes Racine’s technique of delaying Athalia’s entry, a key point that Dean overlooks. The audience has to wait around half an hour to meet the eponymous queen. This marks a departure from both Esther and Deborah, where the titular women are the first characters on stage.

The audience meets Athalia having awoken from a nightmare where she has been stabbed by a boy dressed as a Jewish priest, allowing Humphreys and Handel to create a more exposed character. Her first number, ‘What scenes of horrors round me rise’, is an accompanied recitative and not an aria, indicating her weakened mental state. Her unease is reflected in Handel’s choice of key, F minor, a common key of despair which he had previously used in the crises of both Esther and Acis and Galatea. She is accompanied by a plangent oboe melody and sinister strings, which highlight her anxiety, and undermine any sense of authority the audience might have expected.

Throughout the scene, her interaction with those around her shows a lack of leadership. Not only is she having an extreme nervous episode in front of Mathan, her adviser, but also present is a ‘Chorus of Sidonian Priests’: Athalia totally ignores their interjections (the chorus ‘The Gods who chosen blessings shed’) and Mathan ‘achieves’ an aria before she does (‘Gentle airs, melodious strains’). Indeed, at the end of the scene, the Sidonian Priests disappear to the Temple on Mathan’s, not Athalia’s, orders.

Athalia’s first and only aria in this scene, ‘Softest sounds’, betrays her pervading melancholia and distances her from the image of a tragic heroine. The sarabande metre is sombre and the sighing paired quaver figuration in the strings completes the image of wretchedness. She is shown to be still unsteady, as this aria is not in da capo form, but sounds more like the A section of a da capo aria that she is insufficiently gathered to complete.

Athalia’s first scene is a personal and intimate depiction of a disturbed woman, with agency that removes her from the Tragic archetype. She is distant from Dean’s analysis of her as a ‘Jewish Clytemnestra’, as she fails to retain the sureness of that truly tragic heroine.

Josabeth
Josabeth’s sentimentality is only one aspect of her characterisation, as she is shown by Humphreys and Handel to be an active force in the oratorio while fiercely protecting her family and the Temple community. Her part is much expanded, both in volume and dramatic depth, from Racine’s depiction. Humphreys is, for this reason, unable to involve Josabeth actively in the plot of the oratorio, as it has been designed without her significant input. However, this gives the librettist licence in fleshing out her character.

Josabeth spends much of the oratorio responding to surrounding events, but this does not make her ‘passive’, to use Brett & Haggerty’s term. Instead, it allows her to establish her role as the most human character in the work, through whom the audience become emotionally involved in the action. By enlarging Josabeth’s part, Humphreys and Handel ensure that the human drama in the oratorio is always more prevalent than questions of politics. Brett & Haggerty write: ‘It was not experience itself that was important to this audience but the way one responded to it. Response, of course, was an eighteenth-century obsession.’ This could explain the expansion of Josabeth’s role: with four arias and four ensemble numbers, she is the most musically active role in the work.

Josbeth’s characterisation is concluded in the duet ‘Joys in gentle trains appearing’, sung after the demise of Athalia. In this duet Josabeth and Joad affirm their love for each other and the sureness of their faith in God. As in their previous duet, ‘Cease thy anguish’, Joad presents the theme, befitting his role as High Priest and husband. Josabeth then mirrors his melody, but not in a way that suggests she is subordinate. The duet is in A major, which the listener fails to realise as Joad exposes the theme on the dominant, E. When Josabeth copies him in A major at bar 17, it then becomes clear that she is resolving the duet to its tonic. Dean’s assertion that this is merely practical, and that it fits the ‘natural compass of the voices’, seems to accord Handel insufficient dramatic awareness. It is as if, throughout the oratorio, Josabeth has been increasing in self-confidence and assuredness, relinquishing the passivity that Brett & Haggerty have assigned to her.

Conclusion
This musico-dramatic analysis of Handel’s characterisation of Josabeth and Athalia is enlightening when considering the complexities of genre in this early oratorio.

Josabeth is a deeply human character, frequently used by Handel and Humphreys to provide insight into emotional situations as they arise and evolve. But Handel and Humphreys have granted her more agency than would be possible were she entirely stooped in sentimental drama. Therefore any reference to this genre must remain only a reference, not a straight-jacket.

Athalia is likewise more complex than previous scholarship has recognised. Her portrayal by Humphreys and Handel is considerably weakened from the truly tragic heroine as depicted by Racine, and in the oratorio she fails to establish the dominance and awe required by tragedy. Indeed, Brett & Haggerty’s statement about Josabeth, that ‘she is an entirely passive creature, dominated either by events or by her husband’s will’, could be said of Athalia if ‘her husband’s will’ was replaced with ‘Mathan’s will’.

The subtleties of characterisation used by Handel and Humphreys create in Athalia two women that refuse to be limited as belonging to one particular musical or literary school or another. This indicates that the generic influences that, in combination, create the early English oratorio are drawn upon more subtly than previously recognised. Handel and Humphreys adopt characteristics of several theatrical and musical genres to form the first truly three-dimensional characters in Handel’s English theatre works. Dean’s designation of the work as ‘the first great English oratorio’ is even more deserved than critical commentary has hitherto suggested.

Notes
(1) Dean, W. (1959). Handel’s Dramatic Oratorios and Masques, p.247. London: Oxford University Press.
(2) Brett, P. & Haggerty, G. (1987). Handel and the Sentimental: the case of ‘Athalia’. Music and Letters, 68(2), 112-127.

This article is based on an undergraduate dissertation prepared for examination at the University of Cambridge. Kate Shaw wishes to express her gratitude to her supervisor Dr Ruth Smith.

Liszt’s Performances and Arrangements of Handel

Graham Pont

Arrangements of Bach’s music by the great pianist Franz Liszt are well-known but most Handelians would be surprised to learn that Liszt also took inspiration from their favourite composer. In an article published in Göttinger Händel-Beiträge (1), Christiane Wiesenfeldt notes that Liszt performed works by Handel at Vienna in April-May 1838 and again in March-April 1846. He also conducted performances of Messiah at Weimar and Aachen in 1850 and of Judas Maccabaeus at Weimar in May of the Handel centenary year 1859.

In June 1879 Handel’s first opera Almira was performed at Leipzig: it is not known if Liszt attended the performance but he did acquire a copy of the vocal score of Almira that was arranged by the Austrian composer Johann Nepomuk Fuchs and published at Leipzig in the summer of 1879. In Act I of Almira there are two dance movements, a Chaconne and a Sarabande (HWV 1: 3& 4). By September 1879 Liszt had produced ‘un morceau de concert pour piano’: an elaborate paraphrase which was published later that year under the title ‘Sarabande und Chaconne aus dem “Almira” von G.F. Händel, für Pianoforte zum Konzertvortrg bearbeitet’ (Kistner, Leipzig, 1879). The work was dedicated to Liszt’s English pupil Walter Bache. It received its premiere public performance by Alfred Reisenauer at Leipzig in May 1883 and a few months later was performed at London by Walter Bache.

Liszt arrangement of a piece from Handel's Almira.

The original publication is now very rare: the only recorded copies are held by the Liszt Foundation in Budapest and the Library of the University of Berne, which has kindly supplied the copy reproduced here. Note that in his introduction to the Sarabande (bars 1-4) Liszt has indicated signs of articulation in both hands and the pianoforte pedalling that are inconsistent with Handel’s opening bars (5ff.) and with the staccato chords of bars 13ff. The contrast of three forms of articulation for thematically related passages is very Handelian.

Although Handelians (including me) have been generally unaware of this work, it is well-known to Lisztians: there are several performances available (about 11 minutes long) on YouTube. While the dances are blown up with characteristic virtuoso fireworks, Liszt’s treatment of Handel strikes me as quite sympathetic, at least when he stays close to Handel’s original text. I just wonder what Handel himself would have made of it.

The Sarabande and Chaconne from Almira was not the end of Liszt’s involvement with Handel. The Australian Liszt authority Dr Leslie Howard is editing an unpublished medley for the pianoforte which includes melodies from Handel’s Messiah, as well as ‘Rule Britannia’ and ‘God save the Queen’.

Note
(1) ‘Eine Laune des “anbetundswürdigen Fingerhelden”? Liszts Variationen über Sarabande und Chaconne aus Händels Almira’, Göttinger Händel-Beiträge, XIII (2010), pp.63-78. The article includes copies of Liszt’s much-corrected autograph of the Sarabande and Chaconne.

Handel’s Brockes Passion: a Unique Composition

Ruth Smith

Handel wrote three compositions about salvation through Christ, all for performance at Easter: La Resurrezione, for a Catholic audience, in Italian; the Brockes Passion, for a Lutheran audience, in German; and Messiah, intended by its librettist for his London audience. Of these, the Brockes Passion (1716?), named for the author of its libretto, is the least familiar to British audiences. On Good Friday (19 April) 2019, in its (presumed) tercentenary year, Handel’s Brockes Passion will be performed at the Barbican by the Academy of Ancient Music under Richard Egarr, affording a rare opportunity to experience a work that is unlike anything else Handel ever wrote.

The first performance of Handel’s Brockes Passion that we know of was given on 3 April 1719 in a hall (the former refectory) attached to Hamburg Cathedral, during a fortnight which enabled audiences to compare and contrast settings of the same libretto by four composers who all had Hamburg connections and were all acquainted. Reinhard Keiser had been the director of Hamburg opera when Handel played in its orchestra; Johann Mattheson, organiser of the event, had been Handel’s colleague at the opera (and almost his killer), and in 1715 had become the Cathedral’s Director of Music; and Telemann, who was to become music director at the city’s five main churches two years later, had been known to Handel since 1702.

Barthold Heinrich Brockes (1680-1747), himself a Hamburger, was at school with Mattheson, and at Halle University he was a fellow student of Handel, like him studying law. Like Handel, Brockes soon dedicated himself to the liberal arts, and after travels in Italy, France and the Netherlands he settled in Hamburg, pursuing a literary life on several fronts – poetry, translation, journalism – and becoming a respected senator and holder of several important civic positions. By the time of Keiser’s setting (1712) he was sufficiently established to host its first performances in his own house to an audience (so he reported) of all the upper echelons of Hamburg society and ‘the entire foreign nobility, all the ministers and residents with their ladies’, numbering over five hundred.

Handel set more of Brockes’ texts in his lovely Nine German Arias (1724-5), celebrations of divine creation manifest in the natural world, with words from Brockes’ Irdisches Vergnügen in Gott (‘Earthly Contentment in God’). The verses are perfectly consistent with Brockes’ translations into German of the most deistical poems in the English language, Pope’s Essay on Man and Thomson’s Seasons; but they make the fervent Pietism of his Passion text seem all the more remarkable. Clearly he was a man of many parts, and persuasions.

Der für die Sünden der Welt gemarterte und sterbende Jesus aus den vier Evangelisten in gedunde Rede vorgestellt (‘Jesus suffering and dying for the sins of the world, presented in verse out of the four Evangelists’): the title of Brockes’ libretto declares that it belongs to the genre known as Passion oratorio, a freely paraphrased, versified and amplified dramatisation of the Passion story based on chosen elements of all four gospels. If the number of printings and settings is a guide, this was the most celebrated libretto Handel ever set apart from the texts of Messiah. According to one 18th-century contemporary, it had had over thirty editions by 1727; by 1750 it had been given over fifty performances that we know of, in settings by nine composers and as a pasticcio by Bach.

Mattheson recorded in his Grundlage einer Ehrenpforte that Handel wrote the Passion setting in England and sent it to him in Hamburg by post ‘in an unusually closely written score’. That manuscript is lost, and while Handel was normally a careful curator of his own performing scores, it would not be surprising if he never asked for the return of this one, since he could not have intended to perform his Brockes Passion for his British audience; and he never did. In Baroque Germany the Kapellmeister of a city or court was expected to produce Passion music every year for Holy Week services and extra-liturgical performances. In Britain no such performance tradition existed; Handel’s normal performance space, a theatre, was too secular (see objections to Messiah in 1743); all the many religious, literary and musical influences that Brockes drew on and fused would have made it problematically alien to Handel’s Londoners; and it was in the language of the ruling family, who were widely disliked for being German.

Why, then, did Handel write it? The presumed date of c. 1716 is doubly suggestive. Handel wrote no new operas that year; and the British Hanoverian regime had just survived a Jacobite rebellion. What if there were to be another such rebellion, this time successful? Handel, Hanoverian pensioner, would probably have to return to Germany with his employers. So a work with a secure place in the repertory – a good likelihood, given Mattheson’s admiration for Handel’s music and directorship, from 1715, of Hamburg Cathedral’s music – would keep his reputation bright till such time as it might be useful to appear as an established German composer as well as a composer of Italian opera (his Rinaldo was performed in Hamburg in November 1715). Hamburgers were accustomed to musical Passion dramas both staged and unacted; they had flocked to Keiser’s setting of Brockes’ text; and that text had had a forerunner in the Passion oratorio by the celebrated ‘Menantes’, Christian Friedrich Hunold (1681-1721), which Keiser set for Holy Week 1704 and in which Handel very likely played, as he was then a member of Keiser’s opera orchestra.

The evidence of Handel’s score suggests that a further attraction of an undertaking on such a scale – nearly three hours of music – was its two-way benefit to Handel the master recycler. For the Hamburg audience, which knew few of his Italian and English compositions, Handel could and did draw on the Birthday Ode for Queen Anne, the Utrecht Te Deum and Jubilate, Il Trionfo del Tempo e del Disinganno, Apollo e Dafne and several other cantatas. Equally safely assuming that he would never perform the Passion in Britain, he drew on it for his subsequent English works, especially Esther, Deborah and Athalia, but also for some operas and later works – as late as The Triumph of Time and Truth. Elements of nearly half the arias, duets and choruses come from or go into other works, and, since many of those contexts are better known to audiences in the English-speaking world, hearing Handel’s Brockes Passion can be a slightly distracting experience for us – as when, for instance, a pre-echo of ‘Mourn all ye muses’ (Acis and Galatea) is closely followed by a forerunner of ‘Cara speme’ (Giulio Cesare), or the duet of Jesus and his mother as he hangs on the cross is recognised as a source of the duet of Esther and Ahasuerus. We need to try to listen with the unaccustomed ears of the Hamburg citizenry of 1719.

We also need to clear our minds of Bach’s Passions, which not only came later but are in a different tradition from Handel’s. Theirs is a genre known as oratorio Passion, with biblical text of one gospel (recitative) interspersed with contemporary poetic responses (arias, choruses, chorales). Bach knew and had a copy (partly copied out by himself) of Handel’s Brockes Passion, and performed it in Leipzig on Good Friday 1746; and as well as setting versions of some of Brockes’ verses in his St John Passion he absorbed Handel’s ‘Eilt, ihr angefochten Seelen’ into it.

Despite Bach’s admiration, the response of 19th and 20th century commentators was almost universally to damn Handel’s work with the faintest praise. I suspect their distaste had two main sources in the verbal text, which is a treasury of sophisticated rhetoric. The first is its cerebral elaboration of the Christian paradox of salvation (such as the opening ‘To free me from the bonds of my sins Christ himself must be bound’, or, as the Believing Soul protests to Christ’s interrogators, ‘You are denying life to life itself, through you the death of death will die’). The second is the close-focus, graphic, unsparing representation of physical suffering and mental anguish. This begins as early as the agony in the garden, when a terrified Christ feels engulfed by a muddy morass and eviscerated by burning coals; he gasps for breath, his mouth is dry, his heart pounds and his sweat is not (as in Luke’s gospel) like drops of blood, but is drops of blood forced from every vein. During his scourging, his tormentors score his back with nailed whips; the thorns of the crown pierce his brain. Brockes also, with truly baroque ingenuity, fuses these abstract and pictorial styles in astonishing metaphysical conceits (Christ’s flogged back appears like a rainbow and likewise brings us hope; Christ sweats bloody drops which for us are rubies to bejewel our souls). The brutality and rawness in this Passion may be a legacy of the Thirty Years War, in which four times as many died in Europe as in World War I; perhaps in this respect the Brockes Passion’s hour has come, now that our daily news graphically shows us barbaric cruelty and human suffering on an unprecedented scale.

A third problem for some commentators is that this Passion is so near to being an opera. There is hardly any narrative, and all the main biblical characters (Christ, Peter, Judas, Mary) and the two allegorical characters, the Daughter of Zion and the Believing Soul – who are allegorical only in name, not, as some state, merely providing comment and reflection, but actively present at and engaging in the action and reacting to it in the moment – have extended solo and dialoguing scenas, with invented utterances voicing a huge range of emotions: fear, anger, grief, remorse, despair, outrage, joy, defiance, love, compassion, resolve and more.

Handel responds with all his power of dramatising immediacy and human sympathy. The text that he set was Brockes’ preferred version, his 1713 revision of his original of 1712. This is not always recognised by commentators who state that Handel omitted parts of Brockes’ text. In this and other respects Handel, so often noticed in his English oratorios overriding his librettists’ texts or intentions, almost wholly obeyed Brockes’ very specific demarcations of recitative, accompagnato, arioso, strophic song, da capo aria, chorus and chorale. In following Brockes’ directions for da capo (fewer than a third of the arias) and chorales (only four) and keeping the choruses short (all but one last less than a minute) Handel sets a far swifter and more gripping pace than in his English oratorios. And he deploys not only vivid pictorialism but heartstopping melody, balancing the horror with tenderness, the anguish with assurance, and matching Brockes’ fervour. His music here is not academic, not extensively worked, not demanding to follow, and above all it serves the text. Brockes, as Handel must have known, had been impressed by oratorio when in Italy, and Handel’s composition is a pattern-book illustration of Orazio Griffi’s precept for oratorio: ‘to draw sinners to holy exercises by a sweet deception’.

To renew the faith of lapsed Christians was likewise one of Jennens’ intentions in compiling the text of Messiah, and it is intriguing that Jennens had a copy made for him of Handel’s score of the Brockes Passion without its verbal text (now in Manchester Public Library). He meant to give it English words, as is shown by his having done so for about a sixth of the score, after which the task evidently defeated him: he broke off mid-sentence in Christ’s agony in the garden. He had a score of La Resurrezione copied for him in 1738. It is tempting to suppose that these two earlier works by Handel about salvation through Christ contributed to stimulating Jennens to compile a libretto on the same theme for a British audience.